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1.
Decades of research suggests that campaign contact together with an advantageous socioeconomic profile increases the likelihood
of casting a ballot. Measurement and modeling handicaps permit a lingering uncertainty about campaign communication as a source
of political mobilization however. Using data from a uniquely detailed telephone survey conducted in a pair of highly competitive
2002 U.S. Senate races, we further investigate who gets contacted, in what form, and with what effect. We conclude that even
in high-profile, high-dollar races the most important determinant of voter turnout is vote history, but that holding this
variable constant reveals a positive effect for campaign communication among “seldom” voters, registered but rarely active
participants who—ironically—are less likely than regular or intermittent voters to receive such communication.
相似文献
E. Terrence JonesEmail: |
2.
A number of scholars have demonstrated that voter turnout is influenced by the costs of processing information and going to the polls, and the policy benefits associated with the outcome of the election. However, no one has yet noted that the costs of voting are paid on or before Election Day, while policy benefits may not materialize until several days, months, or even years later. Since the costs of voting must be borne before the benefits are realized, people who are more patient should be more willing to vote. We use a “choice game” from experimental economics to estimate individual discount factors which are used to measure patience. We then show that patience significantly increases voter turnout.
相似文献
James H. FowlerEmail: |
3.
Over the past two presidential elections, the major parties have been making a push at appealing to Latinos, airing over 3000 political advertisements in Spanish in the 2000 presidential election. In this paper, we ask whether the political ads used in the 2000 election had any effect on Latino turnout. We argue that the effectiveness of ads on the likelihood of turnout depends on how targeted the ad is to Latinos and the individual’s process of acculturation. We test our hypotheses using data from the Campaign Media Analysis Group, merged with data from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey. We find that the effectiveness of the ads on the likelihood of turnout was mediated by the individual’s dominant language, which is taken as a proxy for the process of acculturation.
相似文献
Victoria M. DeFrancesco SotoEmail: |
4.
Advocates claim that when citizens can make law through voter initiatives, they become better citizens. This paper puts that
claim into context. Using data from the Current Population Survey November Supplement and American National Election Studies
for each election between 1978 and 2004, it demonstrates that voter initiatives in the American states have limited effects
on turnout, and on political knowledge and efficacy. Initiatives increase voters’ likelihood of turning out to vote in six
of seven midterm elections under study, but show no effect on turnout at presidential elections. For knowledge among non-voters
and for political efficacy among all respondents, the results show null effects; for knowledge among voters, they indicate
modest effects.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Ian YohaiEmail: |
5.
Oliver Heath 《Political Behavior》2007,29(4):493-516
Turnout decline in Britain is greater than it first appears since changes in the social composition of the electorate have
had a positive impact on turnout. This paper finds that whereas a weakening in the strength of party identification is associated
with the long-term decline, the political context influences short-term variation. Partisan dealignment is also changing the
dynamics of the determinants of turnout. Since non-identifiers are more strongly influenced by the political context than
strong identifiers, and there are now more non-identifiers than previously, the political context is becoming a more important
factor in determining whether people vote or not.
相似文献
Oliver HeathEmail: |
6.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
7.
Keena Lipsitz 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):187-209
This study uses pooled NES and state-level turnout data from 1988 through 2004 to assess whether a participation gap is emerging
in the United States between the residents of battleground and non-battleground states in presidential elections. The analysis
finds that Electoral College (EC) participatory disparities are more likely to occur in voting and meeting attendance than
in donating and political discussion. Moreover, it suggests that such disparities are more likely to occur when presidential
elections are nationally competitive. The study also demonstrates that when participatory gaps do occur they are the result
of a surge in participation among battleground state residents—not of citizen withdrawal in safe states, as many EC critics contend.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Keena LipsitzEmail: Email: |
8.
Well over $1 billion was spent on televised political advertising in the U.S. in 2004. Given the ubiquity of the 30 second
spot, one might presume that ads must affect viewers’ vote choices. Somewhat surprisingly, though, scholars have yet to make
much progress in confirming this claim. In this paper, we leverage a comprehensive dataset that tracks political ads in the
nation’s top media markets and a survey of presidential and U.S. Senate voters in 2004. We ask whether exposure to presidential
and Senate advertising influences voters’ evaluations of candidates and the choices that they make at the ballot box. In the
end, we find considerable evidence that advertising persuades—and that its impact varies depending on the characteristics
of the viewer.
相似文献
Travis N. RidoutEmail: |
9.
Cheryl Boudreau 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):287-306
Many scholars lament citizens’ lack of political sophistication, while others emphasize that information shortcuts can substitute
for sophistication and help citizens with their political choices. In this paper, I use experiments to assess whether and
under what conditions institutions can substitute for sophistication and enable even unsophisticated citizens to make informed
decisions. The results of my experiments demonstrate that institutions, such as a penalty for lying or a threat of verification,
can help both sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens to make more informed decisions. Further, my results suggest that
institutions may, under certain conditions, level the playing field between sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens.
相似文献
Cheryl BoudreauEmail: |
10.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2008,30(4):455-467
Compulsory voting laws have consistently been demonstrated to boost electoral participation. Despite the widespread presence
of compulsory voting and the significant impact these laws appear to have on voting behavior, surprisingly little effort has
been devoted to analyzing how mandatory voting alters the decision-making calculus of individual voters in these systems.
Moreover, studies that investigate the influence of compulsory voting laws on electoral participation generally treat these
policies monolithically, with scant attention to the nuances that differentiate mandatory voting laws across systems and to
their consequences for voting rates. Analyses that explicitly and empirically examine the effects of penalties and enforcement
are surprisingly rare. This study aims to fill that void by adapting rational choice models of participation in elections
for compulsory voting systems. I find that the level of penalties countries impose for non-compliance and the degree of penalty
enforcement impact turnout rates. Voters in mandatory voting systems abstain least when both the penalties and the likelihood
of enforcement are high, and abstain most when both meaningless.
相似文献
Costas PanagopoulosEmail: |
11.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
12.
In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
相似文献
Jason ReiflerEmail: |
13.
This article seeks to shed new light on the study of decentralized natural resource governance by applying institutional theories
of polycentricity—the relationships among multiple authorities with overlapping jurisdictions. The emphasis on multi-level
dynamics has not penetrated empirical studies of environmental policy reforms in non-industrial countries. On the contrary,
many of today’s decentralization proponents seem to be infatuated with the local sphere, expecting that local actors are always
able and willing to govern their natural resources effectively. Existing studies in this area often focus exclusively on characteristics
and performance of local institutions. While we certainly do not deny the importance of local institutions, we argue that
institutional arrangements operating at other governance scales—such as national government agencies, international organizations,
NGOs at multiple scales, and private associations—also often have critical roles to play in natural resource governance regimes,
including self-organized regimes.
相似文献
Elinor OstromEmail: |
14.
Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
相似文献
Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
15.
Dennis T. Avery 《Society》2007,44(6):137-143
High-yield farming—more agricultural output per acre of farmland—has been a boon to mankind and to nature. If today’s agricultural
efficiency was the same as in the 1950s, the world would need three times the cropland to produce today’s food supply. That
would mean that 15-16 million mi2 of forest would have been destroyed—all the global forest area available today. Rising population and increased affluence
will require a tripling of agricultural efficiency in the next 50 years if we are to protect wildlife at the same time. More
investment in agricultural research and education will be required, but this is what produced the previous green revolution.
相似文献
Dennis T. AveryEmail: |
16.
Measuring Exposure to Political Advertising in Surveys 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Daniel Stevens 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):47-72
Research on the influence of negative political advertising in America is characterized by fundamentally conflicting findings.
In recent years, however, survey research using estimates of exposure based on a combination of self-reported television viewing
habits and Campaign Media Analysis Group data (a database of all advertisements broadcast on national and cable television
in the top 75 media markets) has argued that exposure to negative political advertising boosts interest in the campaign and
turnout. This paper examines the measurement properties of self-reports of television viewing. I argue that the errors from
common survey formats may both be nonrandom and larger than previously acknowledged. The nonrandom error is due to the tendency
of politically knowledgeable individuals to be more sensitive to question format. Thus the inferences drawn about the relationship
between political knowledge, exposure to negative ads, and political behavior are also sensitive to the measures used to estimate
exposure. I demonstrate, however, that one commonly used measure of exposure—the log of estimated exposure—is not only more
theoretically defensible but also alleviates some of the more serious problems due to measurement error.
相似文献
Daniel StevensEmail: |
17.
Carole J. Wilson 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):161-183
This paper brings to political science a new decision-making model based on research in consumer behavior. Individuals do
not necessarily make choices from the universe of alternatives; rather, they choose from a “consideration set,” a notion derived
from both utility maximization and information processing theories. Here I apply a model of heterogeneous consideration sets
to voting in the 2000 Mexican national election. I argue that the sub-national variation in the strength of Mexican parties
leads to heterogeneous consideration sets, resulting in individuals with identical issue preferences and personal attributes
making different voting decisions. Application of this model provides both interesting substantive conclusions about vote
choice in Mexico and a more general theoretical innovation regarding vote choice.
相似文献
Carole J. WilsonEmail: |
18.
Robert A. Stebbins 《Society》2009,46(2):155-159
Being motivated to volunteer is a crucial condition for both the volunteers and those seeking their services. Yet the reigning
conceptual model of volunteering in the field of nonprofit sector studies—an economic one based on the idea that the first
may be defined as people engaged in unpaid labor—offers at best a superficial explanation of the motives encouraging them
to altruistically offer their time. In light of this conceptual deficiency another definition of volunteering (and hence volunteer)
has, of late, been gaining acceptance. Sometimes referred to as a volitional definition, it roots in sociology and social
psychology: volunteers feel they are engaging in a leisure activity, which they have had the option to accept or reject on
their own terms.
相似文献
Robert A. StebbinsEmail: |
19.
Catherine Simpson Bueker 《Society》2009,46(5):423-428
Policy makers tend to focus on the extension of citizenship as the primary means by which new populations become incorporated
into a society. Although acquiring formal citizenship is necessary in order to participate in many aspects of a state's civic,
social, and political life, the extension of legal citizenship is far from a guarantee for full membership. Instead of focusing
exclusively on naturalizing immigrants, we need to consider T.H. Marshall's three spheres of citizenship—the civil, political,
and social. By extending social elements of citizenship prior to or at the same time as we extend other benefits, we will
move towards more complete citizenship for and greater civil and political engagement among all residents in our society—non-citizens,
naturalized, and native-born, alike.
相似文献
Catherine Simpson BuekerEmail: |
20.
Jennifer L. Merolla 《Political Behavior》2009,31(3):379-399
While theoretical work on strategic voting emphasizes the importance of elite messages in persuading minor party supporters
to abandon their first preference, few empirical studies have examined this relationship. I argue that while poll results
certainly increase the likelihood of changing one’s vote, explicit information signals can increase this probability even
more. Furthermore, these effects will be moderated by the presence of a counter message and the sponsor of the explicit information
signal. These hypotheses are tested with data generated from two experiments.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Jennifer L. MerollaEmail: |