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1.
Three studies test the hypothesis that a perceived relationship is relevant to seeking and accepting help. The results first
indicate a direct effect for a perceived relationship on the extent to which people are willing to seek and accept help. The
findings further indicate that perceiving a relationship increases the importance of procedural justice judgments in shaping
the decision to seek and accept help. This was true both in vertical relations (e.g., student–professor, resident–police officer)
and in horizontal ones (e.g., student–student). The research extends prior findings showing that common group membership increases
the influence of procedural justice judgments on whether people cooperate with fellow group members. The results show a parallel
with the effects of a perceived relationship, suggesting a comparability between “relational” and “collective” levels of identity. 相似文献
2.
Zhiyun Liu 《Frontiers of Law in China》2011,6(4):589-608
After the Cold War and the quick development of globalization, non-state acts by international organizations, transnational
corporations and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), etc., are becoming more active. Global issues with regard to, inter
alia, environment, human rights, terrorism are constantly emerging, which bring great challenge to the Westphalia System that
is based on state sovereignty and centered on the national state. At the same time, the values, which include “individualism”
and “global justice,” are constantly casting impact on international legal system. Doubtlessly, in the current context of
international relations, “justice among states” is still the reasonable positioning of the value of modern international law.
However, making “individualism” and “global justice” compatible and modifying “justice among states” is an inevitable trend.
At the same time, the rule brought about by the modification on the value of justice must be handled properly. 相似文献
3.
In this analysis I argue for the independent effects on social change of the internal logic of formal justice. Institutionally,
oppositional ideas that challenge the legitimacy of a hegemonic system emerge in “safe spaces” that subordinate groups create
within a culture dominated by hegemonic ideas. The oppositional ideas derive in part from an existing informal culture of
opposition, access to repertories of contention, and favorable openings in the political system. In addition, however, these
ideas are often propelled independently by the logic of formal justice, in which, when the reasons for separate treatment
have been discredited, equality is the default option. The analysis demonstrates the power of this logic and suggests that
it spreads through the mechanism of “organized activist” variation and “everyday activist” selection. 相似文献
4.
S. Patrick Thornton 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》1993,9(1):40-47
Conclusion On the 15 propositions, three propositions were found to support the general hypothesis. The findings indicate that as police
officers showed an increase in attitudes supporting spousal violence the following occurred: (a) “frequent calls for police
assistance from the household” became less important to police officers who were deciding to arrest; (b) “Jail overcrowding”
became more important to police officers who were deciding not to arrest; and (c) “participant’s first encounter with the
police” became more important to police officers who were deciding not to arrest. The other 12 propositions did not support
the general hypothesis which suggested that the priority of all extralegal factors would relate to the ABUSE score. 相似文献
5.
6.
Carol T. Kulik E. Allan Lind Maurice L. Ambrose Robert J. MacCoun 《Social Justice Research》1996,9(4):351-369
Gender differences in treatment and in judgments of distributive and procedural justice were examined. Three hundred nine
litigants who had been involved in arbitrated auto negligence lawsuits responded to exit surveys. Two mechanisms by which
gender might influence justice perceptions were explored. First, we examined whether a “chivalry bias” might be operating,
in which the procedures systematically favor women over men. If such biases occur, women might feel they had been treated
more fairly because of egocentric biases. Results provided only modest support for the chivalry bias. While women received
slightly better awards and perceived somewhat more control than men, these differences had no effect on perceptions of distributive
or procedural justice. Second, we examined whether men and women differ systematically in the factors they use as indicators
of distributive and procedural justice. On the basis of group-value theory we predicted that women might place more emphasis
on standing or on outcome favorability. The study revealed that men and women did differ in how they defined distributive
justice, with women placing more emphasis on their perceived standing and on their perceptions of the favorability of their
outcomes. There were no substantial gender differences in how procedural justice was defined. Results are interpreted in terms
of how women might be responding to insecurity about facing a justice system historically dominated by men.
An erratum to this article is available at . 相似文献
7.
Workplace justice and employee worth 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Robert Folger 《Social Justice Research》1994,7(3):225-240
Distributive and procedural justice gain new meaning in light of other distinctions about how organizations value employees
(the employees' “worth”). Fair compensation gives employees worth as achieved status: how the employee is like some employees
(similarly rewarded) and not like others (dissimilarly rewarded). But employees also want to be treated uniquely as individuals
and in other ways to be treated like all other employees, both reflecting worth as ascribed status. Such worth need not involve
the distribution of outcomes; it can be gained if procedures function as ends in themselves. Different types of worth thus
become the source of different criteria for justice.
Based on a paper entitled “Justice as Worth,” which was prepared for the Third International Conference on Social Justice
research (held in the Netherlands during July 1991). 相似文献
8.
9.
Jonathan H. Turner 《Social Justice Research》2007,20(3):288-311
Sociological theories of justice emphasize (a) the level of discrepancy or congruence between shares of resources received
relative to individuals’ perceptions of “just shares” and (b) the emotions aroused with either discrepancy or congruence.
While these theories tend to have precision and elegance, they generally do not specify the full range of reference points
that can be used to establish what is considered a “just share,” nor do they explore the complete array of emotions (and targets
of these emotions) aroused during justice evaluations. In this article, an effort is made to expand the conception of reference
points elicited in justice evaluations, the structural processes that determine the specific emotions that will be aroused
during justice evaluations, and the psychodynamics that mediate among reference points, structural processes, emotional arousal,
and targeting of emotional reactions onto self, others, and social structures. The article concludes with some hypotheses
about the emotions aroused and targeted during justice evaluations employing varying reference points and arising under specific
structural conditions. 相似文献
10.
David C. Mowery 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2011,36(6):697-711
A substantial literature on nanotechnology innovation and commercial development has characterized several elements of these
phenomena as constituting new developments in the US national innovation system. Among these elements are the (asserted) “post-academic”
nature of US universities’ involvement with nanotechnology R&D, and federal funding of nanotechnology R&D on goals related
to economic competitiveness. This paper challenges the “novelty” of these elements, while suggesting that other elements of
nanotechnology R&D, including the extensive patenting of the results of nanotechnology-related research and the emphasis within
many university-industry collaborations on patent-based channels for “technology transfer,” may indeed be new and raise questions
for the long-term efficiency and innovative performance of nanotechnology-related R&D. 相似文献
11.
Alfred Blumstein 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1994,12(4):349-361
We examine here some of the interactions of research and policy over the past several decades. The “rehabilitation period”
was effectively terminated by nulleffect evaluations of various rehabilitation techniques. The “just deserts-utilitarian period”
was fed by research estimates of the deterrent and incapacitative effects of criminal justice activities. The more recent
“overt politicization period” saw the earlier attempt to bring rational and theory-based perspectives to policy development
replaced by much stronger emphasis on political concerns. We explore possible ways to reestablish the research-policy connections.
This paper was prepared for the Plenary Session,Journal of Quantitative Criminology 10-Year Anniversary, 1995 Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Boston, MA. 相似文献
12.
Ronnie Lippens 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1998,29(1):49-65
This essay comments on the so-called ’White March‘ which, in the aftermath of the Dutroux-case (which was about multiple child
abuse and child murder), led one out of 30 Belgians to participate in the biggest demonstration, albeit a silent one, Belgium
has ever known. It is argued here that this White March can be read, in a Deleuzean way, as a rhizomic flash, or, using metaphors
from chaos theory, as a dissipative structure, which was strangely attracted around empty signifiers (e.g. “Whiteness”), to
form a Body without Organs. This formation, or build-up of a white (Belgian) Body without Organs is explained by pointing
at two complementary processes which post-Fordist, flexible, “hypermodern” Belgium is sliding into: 1) under “hypermodern”
conditions of flexibility, of post-Fordist regulation, of de/re/centring subjectivities and of budgetary austerity, the old
Belgian regulatory mode of political pacification through pillarization is becoming more and more obsolete, and, at the least,
is growing incapable of regulating ever proliferating nomadic subjectivities; 2) de/re/centring, nomadic subjectivities, in
Belgium, losing the old comforts of pillarized regulation and pacification, are floating and whirling freely in Belgium's
political void, since there is no alternative mode of regulation – such as a public space or culture of civic negotiation
– in sight/site. This has brought Belgium's mental and political landscape on the verge of deep instability, or, in the language
of chaos theory, in a phase of exploding bifurcations, in which small causes can produce big consequences – a phase, that
is, in which tiny particles of social energy can rapidly cluster together (around “strange attractors”) to form dissipative
structures, mostly around “empty signifiers”, in a (Deleuzean) Body without Organs. This happened, in Belgium, when, in August
1996, the Dutroux-case broke out. The Dutroux-case gathered – rhizomically – huge portions of “White material” of unregulated
discontent from Belgium's multiple locations of multiplicity to form a Body without Organs, which, in turn, materialized in
the White March of October 20th 1996, after it had been named by Marc Dutroux's legal counsel, who suddenly spoke a language
of universalism, equality, and civic culture. When the counsel spoke words, that is, which did not match with Belgian everyday
life experience, still submerged as it was (and is) in the old mental habits of Belgium's politics of pillarization, with
its trench mentality, and its war-of-position-like strategics. The essay closes with some considerations on the future of
Belgium's emerging White Movement. In a sense, this essay aims at two goals: it tries to read one of the most significant
events in Belgian history using rather “unusual” metaphors, and, secondly, while doing so, it aims at showing that metaphors
from chaos theory and from Deleuzean post-structuralism can be merged together while describing (or explaining) concrete historical
events. This essay, then, tries to contribute to what might be called a historiography of rhizochaotics, or a psycho-geography
of rhizomic and chaotic socio-mental energies.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
13.
The convergence of the three nets of telecommunication, television and Internet is a general trend of development. Though
the “convergence of three nets” promotes the competition in the relevant markets, it causes relatively big impacts on the
existing legal order. To meet the challenges brought forth by the “convergence of three nets”, many countries and regions
have successively adopted effective measures for legal transformation, not only integrating laws and regulations on the telecommunication
industry, but also attaching high importance to the transformation of the legal adjustment and control mode where increasingly
more emphasis is laid on the influence and functions of competition law in the “convergence of three nets”. China’s antimonopoly
law shall also play an important role during the process of the “convergence of three nets”. With respect to the definition
of the relevant market and identification of monopoly practices, we shall closely combine the features of the “convergence
of three nets” and pointedly apply the antimonopoly law. 相似文献
14.
The setting of criminal court has become an important representation of the criminal trial structure due to its visual and
vivid reflection of the legal position and relations among the three parties of litigation, i.e. the prosecuting party, the
advocating party and the judge. As a result of the influence of ancient “inquest” centered trial mode, lack of the defendant’s
right to silence and incomplete revolution of the criminal trial mode, the existing criminal court setting features an umbrella
shaped structure. To reform the criminal trial structure in China, we should eliminate the air of “inquest” from the existing
court interrogation mode, strengthen the hearing of evidence and set up a equiangular triangle shaped trial structure of neutral
trial, equality between the prosecuting and advocating parties and litigant oriented.
__________
Translated from the Jurist Review, 2005, (2) (in Chinese) 相似文献
15.
Bertram J. Levine 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1997,28(1):1-25
Legislation to reform campaign funding in the United States must produce a system which reduces the potential for corruption,
real or perceived, and creates greater equality of fund raising opportunity between incumbents and challengers. Bills before
the 104th Congress would require bureaucratic and arbitrary systems of regulation; they would not produce workable reform.
Within the existing full disclosure system,two reforms would be most effective: setting maximum dollar amounts for “soft money”
contributions; and limiting fund raising by lobbyists. An even more effective system would be to “blind” contributions made
to the campaign committees of individual candidates.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
16.
This study examined maltreated and non-maltreated children’s (N = 183) emerging understanding of “truth” and “lie,” terms about which they are quizzed to qualify as competent to testify.
Four- to six-year-old children were asked to accept or reject true and false (T/F) statements, label T/F statements as the
“truth” or “a lie,” label T/F statements as “good” or “bad,” and label “truth” and “lie” as “good” or “bad.” The youngest
children were at ceiling in accepting/rejecting T/F statements. The labeling tasks revealed improvement with age and children
performed similarly across the tasks. Most children were better able to evaluate “truth” than “lie.” Maltreated children exhibited
somewhat different response patterns, suggesting greater sensitivity to the immorality of lying. 相似文献
17.
Cédric Schneider 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2011,36(5):565-579
This paper describes and analyzes the occurrence and extent of oppositions initiated against plant biotechnology patents granted
by the European Patent Office (EPO). The opposition mechanism is a legal procedure that allows any third party to challenge
the validity of patents awarded by the EPO. Results indicate that the opposition rate is far greater in plant biotechnology
than in other emerging industries. Consistent with theoretical predictions, the empirical findings suggest that opposed patents
are disproportionately those that score high on features that proxy for their “value” or “quality”. In contrast to previous
findings, however, the results show that large-volume applicants are more likely to be opposed. Because the boundaries of
plant biotech patents are ill-defined, large patent portfolios do not promote cooperative behavior such as licensing or settlements.
The analysis rejects the hypothesis that awardees are subject to “nuisance” or “frivolous” oppositions. Instead, the opposition
procedure serves as an error correction mechanism. 相似文献
18.
Does Moral Conviction Really Override Concerns About Procedural Justice? A Reexamination of the Value Protection Model 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
A large research literature on procedural justice demonstrates that people are more accepting of decisions that they do not
feel are advantageous or fair when those decisions are arrived at using just procedures. Recently, several papers (Skitka,
Pers Soc Psychol Bull, 28:588–597, 2002; Skitka and Mullen, Pers Soc Psychol Bull, 28:1419–1429, 2002) have argued that these
procedural mechanisms do not have a significant influence when the decision made concerns issues about which those involved
have strong moral feelings (“a moral mandate”). A reanalysis of the data in these two studies indicates that, contrary to
the strong position taken by the authors, i.e. that “when people have a moral mandate about an outcome, any means justifies
the mandated end” (Skitka, Pers Soc Psychol Bull, 28:594, 2002), the justice of decision-making procedures is consistently
found to significantly influence people’s reactions to decisions by authorities and institutions even when their moral mandates
are threatened.
相似文献
Jaime L. NapierEmail: |
19.
Said Pournaghash-Tehrani 《Journal of family violence》2011,26(2):93-99
The purpose of the present article was to determine the ability of cognitive factors (beliefs and attitudes) and adverse childhood
experiences to predict men’s reactions towards their spouses’ violence. To do so, 120 males who had referred to family court
to seek divorce due to spouses’ violence were randomly selected and an author’s -made questionnaire containing 27 subscales
was administered to them. Four of the 27 subscales comprised of 22 questions regarding “types of reactions towards spouses’
violence”, “attitudes towards spouse”, and “experiencing family violence during childhood”. Our results showed that witnessing
violence during childhood could positively predict reactions such as “cessation of relationship” and “reprisal”. Men’s beliefs
regarding “permission to use violence” could positively predict reaction such as “cessation of relationship”. Furthermore,
factors such as “Believing his wife is more knowledgeable” and “Wife’s Physical Appearance” negatively predicted reactions
such as “Cessation of relationship” and “Tolerance”. Also “Man’s perceived career success” positively predicted the reaction
of “Attempts to Resume Relationship”. These results are discussed in the context of the existing literature. 相似文献
20.
Over the past three decades, the industrialized world has witnessed four resilient social trends: (1) the consistent erosion
of union-membership; (2) an increase in income polarization and inequality; (3) a dramatic resurgence in popular protest;
and (4) a steady rise in public and private policing employment. In this paper, we examine the relationship between these
trends by theorizing and operationalizing the notion of the “industrial reserve army” and a series of related tenets in order
to conduct an international (N = 45), empirical test of a nascent Marxian model of policing. By treating total policing employment as an empirical barometer
of bourgeois insecurity we find that this insecurity is conditioned by two elements of Marxian political economy: (1) relative
deprivation (income inequality) and (2) the rise of an industrial reserve army (manufacturing employment and unemployment).
Second, while surplus value and labour militancy (strikes and lockouts per 100,000 population) rise along with union membership,
the presence of higher rates of unionization appears to ameliorate the need for more policing in all but post-USSR countries.
While unions assist in checking the immiseration of workers through labour actions, union membership is nonetheless inversely
correlated to policing employment, giving credence to the Marxian idea that while unions help mitigate against the exploitation
workers, they also act as “lieutenants of capital,” performing an essential policing function under capitalism. 相似文献