Explaining Electoral Violence in Serbia: fsQCA Analysis of Contentious Behavior in the Electoral Arena

The article focuses on an analysis of incidents of electoral violence in Serbia in the period of 1990–2014. The main objective is to identify potential sources of contentious behavior in the electoral arena and, using a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), to select potential causal paths that can explain it. Theoretical discussion combined with the original data collected from OSCE monitoring reports open a space for the systematic assessment of the explanatory power of various arguments concerning electoral violence while discussing its sources and logic. The fsQCA analysis identifies two causal paths that explain the occurrence of the phenomenon in the country covering Milo?evi? and the post-Milo?evi? era.     

Injustice,Violence and Social Struggle. The Critical Potential of Axel Honneth's Theory of Recognition

Abstract

Honneth's fundamental claim that the normativity of social orders can be found nowhere but in the very experience of those who suffer injustice leads, I argue, to a radical theory and critique of society, with the potential to provide an innovative theory of social movements and a valid alternative to political liberalism.     

脑力劳动及其价值的哲学定位

中共十五届五中全会明确指出:“随着生产力的发展,科学技术工作和经营管理作为劳动的重要形式,在社会生产中起着越来越重要的作用。在新的历史条件下,要深化对劳动和劳动价值理论的认识。”科技工作等属于脑力劳动,因此要深化认识首先必须深化对脑力劳动及其价值的认识。在科技第一生产力时代,确认脑力劳动的主导地位和作用是坚持唯物史观劳动本体论的应有之义。     

The Philosophical Foundations of Ecological Civilization: A Manifesto for the Future

This article explores moral stances in social movement research. The article first identifies three moral orientations (and their corresponding world views) that have become common since the end of the Cold War. The second section uses Friedrich Nietzsche's praise and criticism of three types of “useful history” to clarify the benefits and costs of each moral orientation. The article closes with thoughts about the relevance of Nietzsche's notion of “free spirits” to morally inspired scholarship about movements.     

哲学批评学:定义、框架与必要性

"哲学批评"是两个或两个以上的哲学家、两个或两个以上的哲学流派、两部或两部以上的哲学著作之间的批评."哲学批评学"可以定义为"概括和总结哲学批评活动之功能、原则、方法、规律等等的一门科学"."哲学批评学"的总体框架以哲学批评的定性、哲学批评的模式考察、哲学批评的历史考察为"三根支柱".建设"哲学批评学"的必要性,可以从如下方面去看:哲学的本性要求"哲学批评学"的构建;中国哲学研究的现状要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域的学科完善要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域中众多批评材料要求"哲学批评学"的构建.     

A Whole of Government Strategy for Family Violence Reform

The Family Violence Reform strategy in Victoria is one of a number of contemporary government initiatives that have been framed within a whole of government model of policy reform. This article shows how the principles and processes of the whole of government approach were applied to the social problem of family violence. We examine the reasoning behind the adoption of this approach, what it was intended to achieve, the processes and activities that took place and stakeholders’ views about the outcomes and impact of this approach. The choice of a whole of government strategy reflected the need to address philosophical and organisational cultural differences about family violence and responses to it. Key elements were: the demonstrated commitment to reform and leadership provided by ministers, agency heads and senior managers; the involvement of community sector representatives; and the role of the Department of Planning and Community Development (DPCD).     

The arts of refusal: tragic unreconciliation,pariah humour,and haunting laughter

ABSTRACT

This paper investigates Hannah Arendt’s writings on tragic unreconciliation and pariah humour as offering creative strategies for confronting the deadening of emotion that enables people to become reconciled to what they should refuse or resist. She offers a distinctive contribution to debates on reconciliation and justice, I suggest, by articulating a tragic approach to unreconciliation. Yet Arendt recognised that tragic accounts of violence can reinforce denial and resignation. In writings on the ‘hidden tradition’ of the ‘Jew as pariah,’ Arendt suggests that humour can be an important response to tragic accounts of political violence and a strategy for awakening an emotional response in those who cannot perceive tragedies to which they have become reconciled. As arts of refusal, tragic unreconciliation and pariah humour invoke and subvert the tragic imagination to reveal possibilities for solidarity, responsibility, and transformation that challenge problematic forms of reconciliation – reconciliation to one’s role as a participant in, or bystander to abuse, reconciliation as self-abnegating assimilation, and reconciliation as compromise, scapegoating, or denial.     

Federalism and Social Policy: The Case of Domestic Violence

This paper challenges long standing critiques of federalism that suggest it stymies the development of progressive social policies. Through a case study of national domestic violence policies in Australia, this paper argues that not only can the curses of federalism – especially conservatism, duplication and overlap – be surmounted, but even more positively, under the right condition, federalism can enhance opportunities for the development of progressive social policy. While the Howard government has adopted a conservative approach to domestic violence, federal structures have made it possible to maintain an alternative discourse at the state level. Moreover, national policy coordination machinery has opened the path for policy learning and innovation between governments in this social policy area.     

中国共产党百年"自我革命"的哲学审视

"自我革命"是中国共产党人以斗争精神进行自我净化、自我完善、自我革新和自我提高的鲜明品格,也是马克思主义政党区别于其他政党的显著标志.马克思主义政党的本质属性和唯物主义世界观是中国共产党近百年来进行"自我革命"根植的理论基础;以唯物主义历史观对中国共产党百年来"自我革命"所蕴含的哲学原理展开自我审视,是中国共产党人推进新时代中国特色社会主义事业不断开拓进取的内在需要;只有落脚于探索中国共产党人"自我革命"的深度批判,才能在新时代继续推进社会革命,推动实现中华民族的伟大复兴.     

Deleuze and Guattari's Historiophilosophy: Philosophical Thought and its Historical Milieu

Abstract

This paper will examine the relation between philosophical thought and the various milieus in which such thought takes place using the late work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. It will argue that Deleuze and Guattari's assessment of this relation involves a rearticulation of philosophy as an historiophilosophy. To claim that Deleuze and Guattari promote such a form of philosophy is contentious, as their work is often noted for implementing an ontological distinction between becoming and history, whereby the former is associated with the act of creation and the latter with retrospective representations of this creative process. Furthermore, when elaborating on the creative nature of philosophical thought, Deleuze and Guattari explicitly refer to philosophy as a geophilosophy that is in contrast to history. Nevertheless, this paper will demonstrate that far from abandoning the category of history, Deleuze and Guattari's analysis of the relations between philosophical thought and relative milieus suggests to us an historical ontology and methodology that is a critical part of philosophy's nature.     

《1844年经济学哲学手稿》逻辑主线新探

异化主线论是学术界对《手稿》逻辑主线的流行定位,受此影响,国内学术界还有一改良性提法,即认为《手稿》中存在人本学异化劳动逻辑和客观唯物主义逻辑两种相互矛盾、截然对立的主线。本文通过对《手稿》文本的解读,批判了以上两种观点,指出《手稿》中贯穿的一条逻辑主线是新唯物主义实践观。异化劳动和对象化活动是实践观的两个层面,二者是特殊与一般的关系;可以用一般的实践观说明异化劳动和对象化活动。     

The Immovable Foundations of the Infinite and Immortal: Tocqueville's Philosophical Anthropology

My purpose in this essay is to show that the enduring value of Alexis de Tocqueville's work is rooted in his philosophical anthropology, or view of human nature. In Democracy in America, Tocqueville reveals his view of human nature as he treats the relationship between religion and politics in the democratic social state. His political science remains valuable because he understands human beings as creatures distinguished by their desire for the infinite and immortal. In sum, for Tocqueville, religion is an essential support of liberty in the democratic social state because it answers the soul's desire for the infinite and immortal, and provides the foundations for personal and political justice.     

Norms and rage: Gender and social media in the 2018 U.S. mid-term elections

Previous research shows women candidates face double-standard with regard to fitness for office: women ought to be kind but leaders ought to be aggressive and agentic. At the same time, there is traditional division of what constitutes “women’s” issues (e.g. health-care) vs “male” (e.g. economy). Do these norms about what women politicians ought to be and talk about hurt or help them during elections? We investigate the case of U.S. 2018 mid-term elections on Twitter. Our findings suggest that engaging with “women’s” issues by female candidates as well as tweeting angrily is associated with higher likelihood of being elected. However, women candidates who use angry speech on Twitter, are more likely to also receive tweets with abusive language, in particular by other women. Thus, we show that social media could help female candidates to break stereotypes, and present themselves as nuanced candidates who can both stand for women’s issues but also be aggressive and leader-like.     

Philosophical Argument and Political Practice: On the Methodology of Normative Theory*

The article discusses methodological issues in normative political theory. The basic assumption is that normative theory has a dual purpose in both establishing valid principles of differentiating right from wrong and influencing actions and institutions in the right direction. The article starts by distinguishing between two approaches to normative political theory: one stresses the interpretation of existing ideas and conventions; the other takes on the constructivist task of finding out what is really right. Then the relationship between theory and practice is explored. The question is how philosophical arguments can instigate practical reform. It is argued that practical considerations should be incorporated as an explicit element of normative political theory. The recommendation is. in particular, that philosophical theories enter into dialogue with the moral conventions of everyday life. whose normative force people already acknowledge.