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At the end of 2017, millions of women used the #MeToo hashtag to draw attention to widespread sexual harassment and assault around the world. In British politics, female politicians, staff members, and journalists opened up about their own experiences, provoking the resignation and party suspension of a number of male Cabinet ministers and Members of Parliament. This article explores how this issue got on the political agenda, what features of politics might foster harassment and discourage reporting, and what solutions might be pursued to tackle this problem. It argues that sexual harassment should be understood as a systemic, cultural problem, rather than a question of problematic individuals. Ignoring the issue of sexual harassment in politics, the article concludes, has serious consequences for gender equality—as well as for democracy itself, reducing policy effectiveness, distorting the political pipeline, and diminishing political transparency and accountability.  相似文献   

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Evidence‐based policy and the contemporary politics of spin are said to characterise contemporary politics and policy. The paper asks firstly what sense is to be made of this coincidence, and then documents this coincidence. It then asks how credible is the conception of ‘evidence’ espoused by advocates of evidence‐based policy when it is conventionally represented as an ‘objective’ counter to ideology, spin or opinion? It points to major problems with the conventional understandings of ‘evidence’. It is suggested that while the evidence‐based policy literature relies on the associations ‘evidence’ is presumed to have with ‘sensory data’, this is neither the case nor all that defensible. The paper reprises arguments advanced by Henry Mayer and Hannah Arendt that the relationship of politics to the empirical was and is a far more complex relationship than is conventionally understood to be the case.  相似文献   

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Grid-group cultural theory is applied to an empirical analysis of five debates on abortion in the Norwegian Parliament between 1992 and 1996. Policy arguments concerning selective abortion and abortion in general are compared. In the cultural–theoretical literature, restrictive policy arguments towards abortion have been connected to the hierarchical cultural bias, whereas permissive policy arguments have been associated with egalitarian and individualistic worldviews. The empirical analysis, however, shows that there are various different connections between abortion policy arguments and cultural biases. The possibly contradictory situation that arises when parties switch between cultural biases is discussed, and the article concludes that grid-group cultural theory proves useful in relating the various abortion policy arguments to broader worldviews that transcend this particular policy issue.  相似文献   

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A discussion of how politics is done in Britain, and how it could be done differently. It explores the relationship between culture and structure in politics, and between strong government and effective accountability. The argument is that the concentration on structures can lead to a neglect of the importance of political culture. It suggests that there are three democratic levels, and that Britain does better on one than on the others; and identifies a range of democratic issues to be tackled. It concludes by suggesting that even without major instrumental changes there are cultural changes that would make a difference to how politics is done in Britain.  相似文献   

7.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):197-208
Abstract

This essay responds to some of the questions raised by Infinitely Demanding from the perspective of tragic conflicts. On this view, the struggle for power cannot be disentangled from the freedom at stake in liberalism and capitalism, nor from the efforts of individuals and groups to resist the powers that be. I suggest, moreover, that this entanglement threatens to divide from within not just the ethical subject, but groups and institutions as well.  相似文献   

8.
刘舸  张美芬 《学理论》2009,(17):27-30
本文从政党政治的一般概念出发,分析了台湾政党政治所经历的三个发展阶段及其在不同阶段所具有的特征。文章认为,自台湾政党轮替以来,岛内多党纷争的局面正在随着政党之间的重新整合而结束,一个以蓝绿两大政党联盟为特征的“两党制”政党政治已经开始。但与此同时,台湾政党政治中的非理性因素依然严重,族群矛盾、“台独”意识形态、肢体冲突等现象依然存在,构成台湾政党政治未来良性发展的严重障碍。  相似文献   

9.
网络问政本质上是公众通过网络表达诉求、实现参政议政的新型民主形式。建立和发展网络问政制度,对于提高信息化条件下党的执政能力、创建人民满意的的服务型政府、构建社会主义和谐社会具有重要战略意义。网络问政现象流行警示我们既有的人民群众利益表达和聚合机制功能发挥不足或严重弱化,必须进一步通过深化政治民主体制、社会管理体制改革,切实创造条件让人民安全地批评和监督政府。网络问政要取得实效必须与现有的政治制度、法律制度、政治组织形式运作紧密结合起来。  相似文献   

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A dynamic of global economic development means that many countries are experiencing uneven development and their citizens are increasingly split between those who can access high‐skill jobs and those who cannot. As a result some citizens are living in cosmopolitan areas of growth and others in backwater areas of decline. There are emerging out of these processes two versions of England. In cosmopolitan areas we find an England that is global in outlook, liberal and more plural in its sense of identity. In provincial backwaters we find an England that is inward‐looking, relatively illiberal, negative about the EU and immigration, nostalgic and more English in its identity. This bifurcation of England is already having political effects, reflected in the outcome of the 2015 general election. It will further reconfigure politics over the next two decades, creating diverse political citizens and a complex array of challenges and dilemmas for governments, political parties, campaigners and political organisers.  相似文献   

11.
本文分析了当代中国政府与政治研究的现状、主题及未来发展。现状主要是三本书和两套丛书 ,处于起步阶段 ;主题是民主政治和优化政府体系 ;未来发展是八个方面 ,即在政府理论、政府运行机制、政治文化等领域深入开展研究 ,以将当代中国政府与政治的研究推进到一个新的高度  相似文献   

12.
Britain's constitution has changed dramatically over the past forty years in which the author has been involved in national politics: devolution, the supremacy of EU law, the greater willingness of the judiciary to intervene in political issues and new human rights legislation. However these changes have been essentially random, argues David Lipsey, lacking any binding theme. These changes continue under the new coalition government. However the even greater changes to British politics have essentially a single source: the dramatic change in social class in Britain and its impact on electoral politics—for example the rise of the media and the decline of ideology  相似文献   

13.
姚中秋 《政治学研究》2020,(1):21-31,M0002,M0003
历史政治学是中国学者提出的研究政治学之全新范式,但当然不是从零开始,而有众多可资利用之知识资源,本文探讨其与历史政治学之关系。历史政治学与历史社会学均致力于带回历史、带回国家,并共享众多方法;但后者有西方中心论偏见,奉行价值无涉原则,止于理解或解释;历史政治学则破除西方中心论,公正对待中国等非西方国家、文明丰富的政治实践,且有明确价值追求,致力于从历史中探究善治之道。历史政治学呼吁历史学再度重视政治史,并使之有政治学想象力。历史政治学可为比较政治学带入大历史视野,以矫正其以西式政治制度为标准的偏失。  相似文献   

14.
所谓非对称性政党制度,是指一国内不同政党并非是势均力敌,也不是轮流执政,而是各安其位、各得其所、相互配合、相互合作,不同政党的地位和作用呈现出非对称性状态。中国的多党合作制度可以称之为非对称性政党制度,在一定意义上讲中国多党合作制度的制度优势就在于其非对称性。在中国非对称性政党制度中,参政党以其特有的存在方式在国家政治体系中占据着特殊地位并发挥着不可替代的作用。因此,要加强和完善中国特色社会主义政党制度,就必须加强参政党建设。无论从中国非对称性政党制度的的理论逻辑抑或是从中国民主政治建设实践来考察,参政党建设都是中国社会主义政治文明建设中的重要问题,是值得深入探讨的理论和实践课题。  相似文献   

15.
Accelerated national and international efforts to redress the acute lack of infrastructures in the developing world have focused on forging partnerships to spur infrastructure development. This article finds a sore lack in attempts to grasp how infrastructures implemented through multiactor partnerships within entrenched, often volatile, political environments, become durable. Durability is understood here through field analysis, an approach common within the “new institutional” literature. Two case studies of sanitation infrastructure‐making from cities in India are presented as empirical evidence. Failure of the first case and the success of the second in acquisition of durability clearly illustrate the vital role political strategy plays in making infrastructures durable.  相似文献   

16.
Liberal Democrats have long displayed the success of community politics since its adoption at the Liberal Party Assembly in 1970. Community politics, however, brings with it not only electoral success but an expectation amongst voters that Liberal Democrat councillors will act in certain ways as local representatives. The article presents the results of national research conducted amongst councillors of the three main parties, and compares the attitudes of Liberal Democrat councillors to aspects of local democracy with those of their Labour and Conservative counterparts. It identifies two types of Liberal Democrat councillor and uses these to explain the attitudinal differences and similarities found with Labour and Conservative councillors.  相似文献   

17.
Anthropologists studying the Andean community politics have increasingly emphasised the role of pragmatic, informal ‘vernacular’ political strategies in achieving material and political empowerment of the poor. However, while the concept of vernacular politics marks an advancement over binary and often polarised discussions of the role of local communities in development processes, studies have not fully explored the full range of implications of vernacular strategies on development processes. While researchers have demonstrated the substantial agency that local community actors have to influence development processes, the extent to which this influence effectively resists or reinforces the logic of public policy implementation has not been studied. This article explores the techniques used by rural communities in their interactions with public institutions in rural Bolivia. It shows that community organisations' vernacular political strategies have mixed outcomes: on the one hand, they allow the rural poor to assert their own agendas vis‐à‐vis the state so that they can benefit from public spending, while on the other hand, their tactics have the potential to entrench the influence of local power brokers and perpetuate inefficient uses of public funds. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

18.
一个良好的社会政治生态是国家长治久安的保障,也是民族复兴的基础。当前与腐败现象伴生的腐败文化在很多领域有滋生蔓延之势,其所具有的"扩散蔓延效应"、"群体压力效应"、"癌变效应"对社会政治生态产生了恶劣影响。廉政文化建设是社会主义先进文化的重要组成部分,从政治文化、社会文化、职业文化、社会舆论四个层面开展廉政文化建设,有针对性地遏制腐败,铲除腐败文化产生的社会土壤,能有效地促进社会政治生态的优化,从而为实现中华民族的伟大复兴奠定坚实的基础。  相似文献   

19.
Immigration politics in Britain have been transformed by high levels of immigration, the effects of EU free movement, strong anti‐immigration sentiment and UKIP's rise. All are compounded by a more general discontent with politics and politicians. In face of claims that something must be done, politicians seek tougher controls on immigration and free movement, but these may be difficult to attain because of entanglement with EU rules, while failure to achieve stated objectives can further compound the disconnect that fuels support for UKIP.  相似文献   

20.
This article argues that the brand concept is a powerful tool for understanding political images. It challenges typical economic versions of political marketing that tend to deemphasize the significance of communication, popular culture, and personality in politics and argues that the brand as a concept can bring together the economic and the aesthetic, rational choice and cultural resonance. It proposes a model of brand distinctiveness and argues that this may be useful both in the analysis of party communication and in the normative evaluation of that communication.  相似文献   

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