论刑事诉讼中的管辖权异议制度

刑事诉讼管辖权异议是当事人的一项重要的救济性程序权利 ,国外普遍确立了刑事管辖权异议的制度 ,而我国的刑事管辖权异议在立法和司法中都处于缺失的状态。由于管辖权异议是当事人刑事诉讼诉权的体现 ,是获得公平审判权利的重要保障 ,有助于法院裁判权的确定和实现。因此 ,我国应当确立刑事管辖权异议制度。我国刑事管辖权异议的确立 ,应当从基本原则和具体程序上规范 ,形成一套独立的裁判体系 ,当然我们对该制度在我国实施的障碍和配套措施的建立也应予以足够的重视。     

后单位制时期街区集体抗争的产生及其逻辑——对一次街区集体抗争事件的实证分析

现有研究认为,虽然在单位制时期的街区经常看到的是强势的国家和原子化的居民,但自20世纪90年代中期以来,城市基层社会中一个突出现象就是维权性集体抗争的兴起.以发生J市的一次"垃圾压缩站"事件为例,对以上问题进行了讨论.并指出,后单位制时期街区集体抗争包括如下三个层面的逻辑一是通过媒体声援将特定的地方性问题变成公共话语;二是运用说服性沟通策略使抗争行动合法化;三是建构共识性危机使潜在动员者变成实际参与者.最后将街区集体抗争与乡村集体抗争作了简略比较.     

Protest participation and economic crisis: The conditioning role of political opportunities

The economic crisis that started in 2008 has negatively affected European nations to different degrees. The sudden rise in demonstrations particularly in those countries most hard hit by the crisis suggests that grievance theories, dismissed in favour of resource‐based models since the 1970s, might have a role to play in explaining protest behaviour. While most previous studies have tested these theories at the individual or contextual levels, it is likely that mechanisms at both levels are interrelated. To fill this lacuna, this article examines the ways in which individual‐level grievances interact with macro‐level factors to impact on protest behaviour. In particular, it examines whether the impact of individual subjective feelings of deprivation is conditional on contextual macroeconomic and policy factors. It is found that while individual‐level relative deprivation has a direct effect on the propensity to have protested in the last year, this effect is greater under certain macroeconomic and political conditions. Both significant results for the cross‐level interactions are interpreted in terms of their role for opening up political opportunities for protest among those who feel they have been most deprived in the current crisis. These findings suggest that the interaction of the contextual and individual levels should continue to be explored in future studies in order to further clarify the mechanisms underlying protest behaviour.     

Protest by candlelight: A comparative analysis of candlelight vigils in South Korea

ABSTRACT

Protest activist leaders must make a series of decisions about the strategies they use; one such decision is the choice of tactic or performance, often informed by their cultural historic contentious repertoire. In South Korea's contentious repertoire, the use of candlelight vigils has become an increasingly prevalent form of protest tactic. Candlelight vigils have become an increasingly prominent tactic in South Korea’s repertoire over the last two decades, as evidenced by major candlelight vigils in 2002, 2008, and 2016-2017. In this study, we explore the ways in which candlelight vigils as a protest tactic have evolved over time in South Korea. We notably find that vigils emerged as a left-wing protest tactic in 2002, but right-wing protesters began adopting the tactic during the counter-protests opposing President Park Geun-Hye’s impeachment in 2016–2017 (Taegeukgi Giphoei). Additionally, we find that candlelight vigils drew participants from an increasingly wide swath of society over time and average citizens assumed greater organizational roles. This research not only contributes to the literature on South Korean social movements and civil society, but to understanding candlelight vigils as a distinct form of protest and how contentious repertoires evolve over time more broadly.     

论夫妻间的生育权冲突

生育权乃一项基本人权且属于人格权的范畴,不受他人的支配和干涉,生育请求权之说存在法律逻辑错误。夫妻双方享有平等的生育权,应充分协商,共同行使。夫妻因生育问题发生冲突,不能简单以侵权论,若导致感情确已破裂,一方可诉请离婚。     

On filtering longitudinal public opinion data: Issues in identification and representation of true change

The Kalman filter is a popular tool in engineering and economics. It is becoming popular in political science, touted for its abilities to reduce measurement error and produce more precise estimates of true public opinion. Its application to survey measures of public opinion varies in important ways compared to the traditionally understood Kalman filter. It makes a priori assumptions about the variance of the sampling error that would not usually be made and does so in a way that violates an important property of the Kalman filter. Consequently, the behavior of the filter modified for public opinion measures is less well-known. Through simulations we assess whether and to what extent filtering: reliably detects the characteristics of time series; does so across series with different rates of autoregressive decay; and does so when the variance of the sampling error is unknown. We also examine whether the filtered data represents the level of true underlying variance and the extent to which filtering assists or hinders our ability to detect exogenous shocks. We learn a numbers of things. Most importantly, taking into account sampling error variance when filtering data can work well, though its performance does vary. First, filtering works best identifying time series characteristics when assuming a stationary process, even if the underlying process contains a unit root. Second, the performance of filtering drops off when we incorrectly specify the variance of the sampling error, and especially when we overestimate it. Third, when estimating exogenous shocks it is better to make no a priori assumptions regarding a measurement error variance unless we are absolutely certain we know what it is. In fact, applying the filter without specifying the measurement error variance is more often than not the best choice.     

非结构性改革、官僚组织与透明政府建设——基于G市《政府信息公开条例》执行行为的实证分析

行政公开不仅是现代国家行政发展的一个基本方向,而且也是保障公民知情权,预防官僚组织腐败现象发生的治理工具.<政府信息公开条例>的颁布,为政府机构推进行政公开提供了规范性的法律文本.标志着我国政府的行政公开工作取得了重大的突破.然而,法规的具体作用和社会效果取决于实际的执行行为.该项研究从实证的角度出发,以沿海发达地区G市为例,从地方层面分析我国政府推进行政公开取得的成效和存在的问题.研究发现立法的缺陷、官僚的自由裁量权和公民权利救济的障碍,已经成为我国透明政府建设面临的主要挑战.在未来的非结构性行政改革中,只有注重制度建设和公民权利司法保障体系的建设,借鉴西方国家地方治理的经验,增强民众在社会治理过程中的作用,实现以权利制约权力的制度文明理念,才能充分保障公民的知情权,实现建设透明政府的政治理念.     

公共管理与公众舆论

自18世纪开始兴起的公众舆论推动了近代西方民主思想的形成,而20世纪公共管理的勃兴正是这种民主思想体制化的必然结果。对于公众舆论的理性与非理性认识分野,受制于背后复杂的权力博弈。在近代公众舆论观向现代公众舆论观转型的过程中,公众权力论逐渐让位于管理控制论。由于国家-市场-市民社会的关系失衡,当代公众舆论面临着环境危机。在目前善治的要求下,公共管理从公共利益出发,必须以保护公众舆论的自由和多元为己任,确立自身被监督者、反馈者和配给者的多重角色,做到有所为和有所不为。     

公共管理学：定位与使命

公共管理学由行政学、公共行政学发展而来,其最初源头在政治学。所以,政治学对于公共行政学的意义,犹如经济学对工商管理学的意义。但是,公共管理学有自己特定的研究对象、学科体系和指导原则,因为,公共管理是一项独立的管理活动,其对象就是公共资源,其主体就是以政府为核心所形成的政府、市场、社会多元统一的公共治理体系;而其原则就是公共性、公正性和效益性的有机统一。在中国,公共管理学要走向成熟,实现科学化,关键是要关注中国公共管理的实践,创造中国公共管理理论。为此,中国公共管理学应该在3个方面作出努力:一是确立公共管理学特有的问题意识;二是确立中国公共管理的规范性价值体系;三是形成理论与实践能够相互转化的研究能力。     

它山之石 如何攻玉？——从公共管理视角看中国知识精英学习外国经验的心路历程

从公共管理的视角,回顾了中国100多年来,特别是最近几十年来,学习外国经验的心路历程。提出,东西方国家差别虽有,但这些差别并不足以用来论证东西方差别的本质性,也不足以支持东西方不能相互学习的结论。用东方还是西方作为思考和比较的基点,来审视国家的治理模式和社会的发展道路,不是一个合理的思维范式。过去被使用,不是因为它理论上的合理性,而是因为它的方便性和情感性。从中国近百年的历史来看,这一方便性和情感性事实上负面影响了中国对外学习的过程,因而有必要正本清源,从理论上给予修正。公共管理的学习和学科发展只有跳出了东方西方之争、最新和过去之争,用现代社会发展理论来审视和解释国家的治理和社会的发展,用科学和社会发展的态度,审视学科建设和管理实践的需要,才能最大限度地从人类文明的成果中汲取必要的养分,辅助中华文明的成长和发展。     

Europeanisation and social movements: The case of the Stop TTIP campaign

Over the past years, the economic crisis has significantly challenged the ways through which social movements have conceptualised and interacted with European Union institutions and policies. Although valuable research on the Europeanisation of movements has already been conducted, finding moderate numbers of Europeanised protests and actors, more recent studies on the subject have been limited to austerity measures and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has been investigated more from a trade unions’ or an international relations perspective. In this article, the TTIP is used as a very promising case study to analyse social movements’ Europeanisation – that is, their capacity to mobilise referring to European issues, targets and identities. Furthermore, the TTIP is a crucial test case because it concerns a policy area (foreign trade) which falls under the exclusive competence of the EU. In addition, political opportunities for civil society actors are ‘closed’ in that negotiations are kept ‘secret’ and discussed mainly within the European Council, and it is difficult to mobilise a large public on such a technical issue. So why and how has this movement become ‘Europeanised’? This comparative study tests the Europeanisation hypothesis with a protest event analysis on anti‐TTIP mobilisation in six European countries (Italy, Spain, France, the United Kingdom, Germany and Austria) at the EU level in the period 2014–2016 (for a total of 784 events) and uses semi‐structured interviews in Brussels with key representatives of the movement and policy makers. The findings show that there is strong adaptation of social movements to multilevel governance – with the growing presence of not only purely European actors, but also European targets, mobilisations and transnational movement networks – with a ‘differential Europeanisation’. Not only do the paths of Europeanisation vary from country to country (and type of actor), but they are also influenced by the interplay between the political opportunities at the EU and domestic levels.     

论公共利益及其本质属性

学术界关于公共利益是否存在的分歧,其关键在于对公共利益界定的方式不同。从亚里士多德到卢梭再到当代的社会科学家,从他们的理论中都可以找到有关公共利益理念的影子。对公共利益的理解,经历了一个从抽象的道德原则向具体个体的共同福利转变的过程。公共利益与共同利益是两个容易混淆的概念,弄清它们之间的联系有助于理解公共利益的本质。公共利益的本质属性不仅仅体现在其抽象的客观性和社会共享性方面,而且还要具体体现在具有物质形态的公共产品的非排它性上。不论从管理者的立场看还是从公众的立场看,公共利益都是公共管理的核心。     

Public opinion polarisation and protest behaviour

Does an increasing divide in normative notions within a population influence citizens’ political protest behaviour? This article explores whether public opinion polarisation stimulates individuals to attend lawful demonstrations. In line with relative deprivation theory, it is argued that in an environment of polarisation, individuals’ normative notions are threatened, increasing the probability that they will actively participate in the political decision‐making process. Using the European Social Survey from the period 2002–2014 and focusing on subnational regions, multilevel analyses are conducted. Thereby a new index to measure public opinion polarisation is introduced. Depending on the issue, empirical results confirm the effect of polarisation. While average citizens are not motivated to demonstrate over the issue of whether people from other countries are a cultural threat, they are motivated by the issues of reducing inequality and of homosexuality. The article goes on to examine in a second step whether ideological extremism makes individuals more susceptible to environmental opinion polarisation. Findings show that members of the far left are more likely to protest when their social environment is divided over the issue of income inequality. In contrast, members of the far right are motivated by rising polarisation regarding homosexuality. In sum, citizens become mobilised as their beliefs and values are threatened by public opinion polarisation.     

地方政府创新与政府体制改革

文章分析了地方政府创新的客观空间和动力,探讨了它在坚持与推广方面存在的问题、原因及对策,论述了地方政府创新与政府体制改革之间的关系。     

The Think Project: An Approach to Addressing Racism and Far-Right Extremism in Swansea,South Wales

The Think Project is a grassroots project initiated by the Ethnic Youth Support Team in Swansea, South Wales to provide a response for preventing far-right extremism. The project was designed to offer disengaged young people the opportunity to take part in a program of workshops, where the facts about race, religion, and migration are explored. This article discusses the results and the opportunities of the initial pilot project and will give a Welsh perspective on the implications for policy and practice in terms of community cohesion and fulfilling the UK government's PREVENT agendas.     

国家间公共政策的转移——概念、研究态势和理论

公共政策的制定者在决策过程中往往通过某种方式来参考其它国家的决策者在相似情况下的做法,包括正面经验和负面教训。这种政策转移(Policy Transfer)现象是公共政策制定和制度创新在现实中的一种主要途径和方式。论述分三个部分:首先,简述了政策转移的概念化过程,辨别了和其它相近概念的异同;其次,勾勒了本课题研究的多学科、多方法和多层次的态势,列举和介绍了一些代表性的研究实例;最后,探讨了相关的理论生成的问题。通过对有关政策转移问题研究的回顾、分析和总结,强调了我国政策转移中大量转移实践和理论研究缺失之间的矛盾现象;提出了开展我国政策转移研究的必要性和关注点;旨在引起我国公共政策的制定者和学者对这一课题的重视,为公共政策有关的决策实践和理论研究提供一个观察、分析和决策的角度。     

西方新城市管理：理论轮廓与反思

近十几年来,公共服务途径经历了重大转型。一个多世纪建立起来的公共服务精神受到了新公共管理理论的挑战。新公共管理理论主要依赖私部门管理实践,强调将竞争引入公共服务领域的重要性。实践中,新公共管理力求将市民(公民)定义为产品的消费者或公共服务提供者的顾客。研究显示,尽管新公共管理运动促进了某些城市服务的改进,但也存在严重局限。主要表现在它不能释放改进公共服务的关键动力———市民和社区能量。作为一个整体,城市领导者与管理者在重塑公共服务改革议程中有着关键作用。作为改进城市治理质量,必须处理3大关键挑战。并将这一途径称为“新城市管理”,以寻求管理变革与地方政治复兴的融合。