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Party politics at the German state level plays a decisive role for patterns of party competition and for legislative decision-making at the federal level. This article analyses the impact of party politics at the state and the federal level on the formation of coalition governments in the German Laender. The empirical analysis is based on a unique dataset that covers information on the state parties’ programmatic positions, their pre-electoral alliances, and the structure of party competition on the federal level in the time period between 1990 and 2007. The results reveal that the programmatic positions of state parties have a decisive impact on government formation. Other relevant factors are the parties’ relative strength, their coalition preferences and the partisan composition of government and opposition on the federal level. 相似文献
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Hubertus Buchstein 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2000,41(1):48-75
Modern research on electoral history is based on Stein Rokkan’s evolutionary model, which was developed in studies on the history of voting rights in european countries. In this model, secret voting counts as a strong indicator for democracy. The paper discusses the close connection between secret voting and democracy from the perspective of the us-american case. In most american states secret voting — called ‘Australian Ballot’ — was introduced in the decade between 1888–98. The paper pays particular attention to the struggles to introduce secret voting in two states — Massachusetts and Louisiana — and analyses the goals of the conflicting parties. The result looks paradoxical from the standpoint of modern democratic theory: in both states secret voting found strong support by political groups and parties which wanted to get rid of the the poor immigrant and the afro-american vote. At least in the south, the Australian Ballot became an effective instrument to keep afro-americans out of political power. 相似文献
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Petra Stykow 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2000,41(2):406-407
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Prof. Dr. Philip Manow 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2010,51(3):433-455
This article looks at how candidate votes have been translated into district mandates in the plurality tier of Germany’s mixed electoral system in all Bundestags-elections since 1953. Two questions in particular are addressed: How has disproportionality changed over time? And: What are the main determinants of disproportionality? To answer these two questions the article employs a modified version of the cube rule that accounts for the fact that the number of district parties in a mixed electoral system is higher than in a pure majoritarian system. The article identifies the effective number of district parties as the most important determinant of the disproportional translation of candidate votes into district mandates, i. e., the higher the number of district parties, the less proportional the translation. 相似文献
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Christian W. Martin 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2009,50(2):253-277
This paper inquires into the interdependence of cigarette taxation in the US states between 1971 and 2006. It is argued that diffusion influences emanating from the tax policies of other states have an effect that is conditional upon the government ideology in a focal state. Specifically, it is shown that only those state governments that are not positioned on the far right end of an ideology continuum use an environment of high cigarette taxes to pursue their fiscal and health policy goals. At the same time, interventionist ideology can only be effective if it operates within a favorable policy environment. I argue that casting policy diffusion as conditional allows for empirically more accurate and theoretically richer models. 相似文献
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Manfred G. Schmidt 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2001,42(3):474-491
Der vorliegende Beitrag skizziert die besonderen Strukturen des deutschen F?deralismus, hebt seine Leistungen hervor, benennt seine Schw?chen, er?rtert seinen Reformbedarf und diskutiert die Chancen seiner Reform. Es wird gezeigt, dass eine Strukturreform des F?deralismus in Deutschland aufgrund von politisch-institutionellen Bedingungen besonders schwierig ist. Deshalb kann nur ein Teil des Reformbedarfs mit Aussicht auf Erfolg zum politischen Thema gemacht und in Reformvorhaben umgesetzt werden. Das bel?sst erhebliche Lücken zwischen Reformbedarf und Reformf?higkeit. Allerdings sind die Reformgrenzen mit den Leistungen des deutschen F?deralismus zu verrechnen. Diese Leistungen sind beachtlich, wie der internationale Vergleich und das Erreichen f?deralismusspezifischer Ziele, insbesondere Machtaufteilung und Integration, aber auch Einbindung der Opposition zeigen. überhaupt nicht gerüstet ist der F?deralismus (und mit ihm die Politik insgesamt) dafür, ein hochwahrscheinliches — aber derzeit kaum beachtetes — Folgeproblem des „sozialen Bundesstaates“ der Bundesrepublik zu bew?ltigen: Die Finanzierungslasten ihres leistungsstarken Sozialstaats erzeugen bedrohliche Engp?sse in der Finanzierung ?ffentlicher Ausgaben jenseits der Sozialpolitik. 相似文献
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Clemens Kauffmann 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):1-19
Zusammenfassung Der Fortschritt der molekularen Medizin und der Biotechnologie ist
zu einem fundamentalen Faktor der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Orientierung
geworden. Ethische und politische Beurteilungen der biomedizinischen
Entwicklung bleiben schwierig. Einerseits macht diese politische und rechtliche
Ma?nahmen erforderlich, andererseits wird von „politischem Missbrauch“, einer
besorgniserregenden „Ethisierung der Forschungspolitik“ bzw. einer
„erschreckenden Politisierung“ der bioethischen Debatte gesprochen. Die
Schwierigkeiten, die sich bei der übertragung von wissenschaftlicher Expertise
und moralischen überzeugungen in biopolitische Normierungen zeigen, erweisen
sich als Symptome weitreichender Rationalit?tsdefizite in der Biopolitik, die
sich an der politischen Semantik in den Grenzbereichen von biomedizinischer
Forschung, ethischer Beurteilung, politischer Steuerung und
politikwissenschaftlicher Analyse ablesen lassen. Besonders kritisch zu
betrachten sind in diesem Kontext Adaptionen bestimmter „Public-Reason“- und
Diskurs-Modelle, die ihrerseits Rationalit?tsdefizite aufweisen. Als
problematisch erweist sich in diesem Zusammenhang ein verbreiteter Vorbehalt,
der im Namen der Demokratie gegenüber Ans?tzen der politischen Philosophie
vorgebracht wird. Die politische Philosophie kann indessen als
„Rationalit?tsreserve“ dienen, auf die angesichts von Defiziten im Bereich der
Explikation biopolitischer Leitideen und demokratietheoretischer
Begründungszusammenh?nge nicht verzichtet werden kann.
相似文献
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The review article systematizes the current academic debate on U. S. foreign policy after 9/11. The main focus lies on different explanations of the causes and consequences of the “war on terror”. Such a problem-oriented approach mirrors the heterogeneity of the debate which cannot adequately be captured by the conventional categories of IR research and foreign policy analysis. It is fair to say that the analysis of U. S. foreign policy as a case of empirical investigation profits from this disciplinary emancipation. 相似文献
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Rewiring Regional Security in a Fragmented World edited by Chester A. Crocker,Fen Osler Hampson,and Pamela Aall,eds. Washington,DC: U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 2011. 540 pp. $28.00 (cloth).
Will the Middle East Implode? by Mohammed Ayoob. Cambridge,UK: Polity Press, 2014. 120 pp. $45.00 (cloth).
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Ramazan Erdağ 《管理》2016,29(1):156-158
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Michael J. Ensley 《Public Choice》2012,151(1-2):43-61
This article examines whether the need to mobilize citizens pushes incumbents to the ideological extremes in U.S. House elections. We test whether incumbents are more ideologically extreme as the ideological heterogeneity of the district increases and if turnout increases as incumbents become more extreme. These tests combined with the observation that divergence decreases with competitiveness suggest that candidates balance the need to attract swing voters with the need to mobilize supporters. The results also suggest that the growth in elite polarization is linked to the growing ideological heterogeneity in the electorate. 相似文献
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We consider the degree of ideological polarizationwithin and between the parties in the U.S. House ofRepresentatives for the period 1963–1996, using theGroseclose, Levitt and Snyder (1996) adjustment method for ADA and ACU scores to ensure over timecomparability of roll call voting data. We focusespecially on the median House member, since webelieve that change in the median offers a bettermeasure of the impact of the change in party controlthan does changes in the mean roll-call votingscore. Our data analysis makes two general points. First andforemost, when we looked at the change in the locationof the House median voter, we found a dramatic changeafter the Republicans gained a majority in the House in1994. After the Republicans became a majority in theHouse, the ADA median in the House in 1995–1996 was at24, far closer to the Republican median of 4 than tothe Democratic median of 83. The shift in medianfrom 1993–1994 to 1994–1995 involved a change of over 25points in one election – far and away the greatestsingle shift in ideology of the modern era. Incontrast, the mean changed only 1 point overthis same period. Second, for the three decades weinvestigated, we found three historical epochs vis a visthe relative locations of the ADA (or ACU) floormedian and the ADA (or ACU) floor mean in the U.S.House of Representatives – two inflection points in1983 and 1994 which are related to trends in regionalrealignment. 相似文献