Reconciliation of women’s rights and cultural practices: polygamy in Ghana

The article analyzes women’s rights and the practice of polygamy in Ghana. The various justifications given for the practice and the colonial attitude towards the practice are examined. The article focuses on how polygamy impacts the attainment of substantive equality for Ghanaian women. As the total abolition of polygamy would be a challenging and problematic objective at this stage, due to the entrenched nature of the practice, it is instead recommended that law be used to protect women in polygamous marriages from domestic violence and ensure their property rights.     

15 years later: Post 9/11 support for increased security and criminalizing muslims

Islamophobia appears to be growing, becoming a mainstream ideology in the United States. Despite the current spike in anti-Islamic sentiment and fear of the Islamic “other,” these ideas are not new and can be traced back to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Using survey data collected only months after the attacks (N = 422), this study uses an integrated threat framework to examine predictors of public support for increased security in the United States. The results show that perceived personal threat and support for policies that criminalize Muslims predict support for security policies that compromise civil liberties. This is especially true among older individuals, conservatives, individuals less inclined towards individual freedom, and those living in the Northeast or in the South.     

Police officers’ assessment of NPF reforms: evidence from an area command in Ondo state

This article analyses police officers’ assessment of the NPF reforms from an Area Command in Ondo State. Using a quantitative methodology, 305 police officers participated in the study. Results were presented and analysed using tables, percentages and means scores on a 5-point Likert scale. Findings reveal a low level of reform awareness among police officers. The article suggests that the NPF reforms were neither well-formulated nor adequately implemented. Even though the NPF reforms marginally but differentially improved the various aspects of police operational capacity, there was no much improvement in the overall police capacity and performance. The article shows that the performance and implementation of the NPF reforms in Ondo State have been constrained by corruption, inadequate funding, policy inconsistency, poor leadership and lack of reform communication to implementers, poor condition of service for officers, among others. The article concludes by attributing the poor performance of the NPF reforms to the unfavourable contexts in which the reforms were formulated and implemented.     

Queer kinship practices in non-western contexts: French Polynesia's gender-variant parents and the law of La République

French Polynesia is an overseas collectivity of France whose kinship practices accommodate transgender parenting through the involvement of gender-variant (mahu) people in childrearing, including as adoptive parents in customary (faamu) adoption. While the existence and visibility of gender-variant people in French Polynesia is well documented, there is no literature on their involvement in parenting, reflecting a more general dearth of research on LGBT parenting in non-Western contexts. Drawing on the author's fieldwork in French Polynesia, this article fills this gap. The article also discusses the negative implications of France's ambivalence towards LGBT parenting for French Polynesian gender-variant parents and the children they raise.     

Modeling the politics of punishment: A conceptual and empirical analysis of ‘law in action’ in criminal sentencing

The empirical sentencing literature has focused intensively on racial equity concerns, but this research added to the literature by analyzing political-contextual sources of punishment. This study developed a functional model of court decision making and used ordinal logit to assess court punishment decisions in 387 counties across seven states. The findings supported established assumptions about individual level punishment determinants, but showed that political environment indicators also predicted sentence severity. Interactions were present as well. In law and order environments Black defendants received enhanced sentences, but in jurisdictions with the largest Black populations, Black defendants faced reduced punishments. With individual and state level effects held constant, the findings from this research reinforced claims that punishment is intensely political.     

Promoting work-related activities in a high secure setting: exploration of staff and patients’ views

Introduction: Adults diagnosed with mental disorders, in particular those who have a history of offending, have low employment rates. Here we explore staff and patients’ views on the importance of work and vocational activities offered at a high secure hospital. Method: Two hundred seventy-six patients and 106 staff were approached; 54.3% of the patients and 58% of staff completed the questionnaire. Results: Educational achievement in patients was low but nearly two-thirds of patients had been engaged in some form of work prior to admission. Staff and patients felt that vocational opportunities offered in the hospital should more closely resemble ‘real work’ and they broadly agreed on the areas of activities of potential benefit. Staff felt more strongly than patients that patients lose work-related skills during admission. Both groups recognised the importance of work for mental health and in preventing reoffending. Conclusion: Detention in such settings provides an opportunity for patients to maintain as well as expand on skills aiding their future reintegration into work settings.     

The politics of social welfare: MPs’ attitudes and activities in the 13th Israeli Knesset

This paper reports the findings of a study exploring the attitudes and activities of members of the 13th Israeli Knesset, and seeks possible connections between the two. The study involved extensive interviews with members of the 13th Israeli Knesset (1992–96), as well as drawing on archival and quantitative data of their activities. The paper presents a short overview of the Israeli political system, the 13th Israeli Knesset and its composition. The MKs’ perceptions of social welfare policy, their attitudes towards government involvement in the provision of social welfare services and their activities, both formal and informal, on social welfare issues are described. Finally, possible connections between the MKs’ attitudes and their activities are explored.     

The Relationship Between Legal and Non-legal Verses in the Qur’an: An Analytical Study of Three Themes of the Qur’an

The Qur’an is considered by Muslim scholars to be one of the two primary sources of Islamic law. The Qur’an deals with many diverse matters, including beliefs, morals, ethics, legal issues and historical narratives. We are not concerned here with establishing the exact proportion of the Qur’an devoted to each of these various categories and in particular to legal rulings. Rather, the pivotal aim of the present investigation is to establish the fact that the whole Qur’an is interrelated, and that the non-legal material in the Qur’an ultimately supports its legal system. This article, therefore, attempts to contribute to the discussion on this issue by asserting that although a large part of the Qur’an does not contain explicit or even implicit legal rulings, it serves, however, to consolidate and establish the Islamic legal system. This assertion is founded on an analysis of the relationship between the legal verses and those with no direct legal rulings stated in them. This article will broadly assess three major themes in the Qur’an which are: God, the Prophet and His message and the present life with the Hereafter. It will underscore their relationship to explicit legal injunctions. These themes are doctrinal in nature but as the analysis will show, they are woven into the framework of the injunctions themselves thereby forging a link between creed and law.     

‘Fear’ and ‘Hope’ in Graphic Fiction: The Schismatic Role of Law in an Australian Dystopian Comic

The rise in popularity in recent times of dystopian fiction (particularly among young adults) is reflective of contemporary anxieties about law: the inhumanity of judicial-coercive machinery; the influence of corporate power; the lack of democratic imagination despite the desperate need for political reform; and the threat of order imposed through violence and victimisation. These dystopian texts often tell fear-inducing stories of law’s failure to protect; or of law’s unsuccessful struggle against unbridled power; or even sometimes of law’s ‘bastardised’ reconstruction. Indeed comics, with their visual and narrative intricacies, thrive on dystopia as a key vehicle for contributing to collective notions of fear and trembling about the future. Yet, at the same time, these texts also contain within them the blueprints for hope—the idea that with transformation, heroic intervention, and/or faith in ‘justice’, the law will ultimately prevail. Law’s ability to be transformed is thus simultaneously portrayed as society’s downfall (when manipulated and disrupted), AND as the key to enlivening humanity (when redeemed and restored). This article attempts to understand this schismatic role of law as presented in the recent dystopian comic book series From Above by Australian creator Craig Bruyn. In this series set in futuristic Melbourne, where law has given way to an unaccountable corporate rule, the social divide is made manifest by the absence of ‘order’, ‘law’ and ‘justice’ in certain segments of society, and yet hope in law’s return is ever-present. The paper will interrogate expectations of law and justice that is mediated through the complex interaction of fear and hope, and contextualise this within current contemporary anxieties.     

The art of trolling law enforcement: a review and model for implementing ‘flame trolling' legislation enacted in Great Britain (1981–2012)

The advancement of information and communications technology often results in early adoption, followed by concern over a digital divide, followed by mass adoption and then, inevitably, abuse and misuse of that platform. The most recent of these technologies is social networking services. The early adopters used Friendster and MySpace, and the masses now use Facebook and Twitter. The abuse of people on these platforms was called Cyberbullying in the case of the first two in the 2000s, and Internet trolling in the case of the second two in the 2010s. This paper reviews the legislation enacted in the UK parliament between 1981 and 2012 to deal with these offences, called ‘flame trolling’, for those based on transgress humour, or electronic message faults more generally. The paper presents a framework that includes a ‘Trolling Magnitude Scale’ based on established trolling culture, in order to link the legislative offences to the severities of those faults, as well as to the ability of specific Internet users to tolerate them or otherwise. The paper concludes that by using this framework law enforcement agencies such as the police can apply the laws more fairly and proportionally to protect free speech and at the same time be tough on the causes of electronic message faults in the form of Internet abuse and data misuse.     

National self-image as an obstacle to ensuring children’s rights in the context of domestic violence and family law – the case of Sweden

ABSTRACT

The aim of this paper is to highlight and discuss contradictions and challenges in the current policy and practice regarding fathers’ violence towards mothers and children in the Swedish welfare state. In particular, professional discourses and understandings of domestic violence in disputes about contact, custody, residence and maintenance, following parental separation, are analysed. My research suggests that abusers find ways to manipulate professionals and get them unwittingly to enable their continued control of victimised mothers and children. One conclusion is that oppression is maintained through processes of familialisation and selective repression. These discursive practices reproduce intersectional inequalities and, in doing so, in many cases result in the administration rather than prevention of further violence.     

Innovation and standardization as drivers of companies’ success in public procurement: an empirical analysis

The Journal of Technology Transfer - There is a significant potential to improve the benefits from public procurement through a better understanding of drivers in company success at the...     

The law and practice in maritime boundary delimitation: lessons for the resolution of dispute between Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana

Definitions of terrorism in the United Kingdom and other Commonwealth countries tend to provide that behaviour can constitute terrorism only if it is politically, religiously or ideologically motivated. Critics argue that this complicates prosecutions, distorts trials, and encourages racial profiling. Defenders argue that the requirement helps yield a definition which corresponds to common understandings of what terrorism entails, and limits the danger of terrorism‐related powers being abused. Part 1 of this article examines the antecedents of the requirement, part 2 examines its legal significance, and part 3 argues that it is unnecessary and undesirable. While many of the criticisms of the motivation requirement are either unpersuasive or exaggerated, defences of the requirement are not altogether convincing. While the requirement excludes from the definition some behaviour which ought not be treated as terrorism, it also excludes some socially dangerous activities which should be.     

Diffusion of the Budapest Convention on cybercrime and the development of cybercrime legislation in Pacific Island countries: ‘Law on the books’ vs ‘law in action’

The Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime,¹ referred to as the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime, has been diffused globally, and is serving as a benchmark or a ‘model law’ for drafting national cybercrime legislation in many countries worldwide. This paper argues that, through the mechanism of ‘state socialization’ combined with incentives, e.g. assistance in building law enforcement capacity, the diffusion of the Budapest Convention has had a profound influence on the development of cybercrime legislation in a number of Pacific Island Countries (PICs).² Some PICs have expressed their great interest in acceding to the Convention and ‘imported’ several provisions from the Convention. This article, nevertheless, contends that these PICs do not seem to consider carefully whether the ‘imported’ law is applicable to their existing law enforcement capacity. It is evident that various domestic factors, such as lack of resources, have deterred the enforcement of cybercrime laws in these countries. As the result, although those PICs would have adequate cybercrime laws ‘on the books’, ‘law in action’ is still feeble.     

‘Vulnerable by law (but not by nature)’: examining perceptions of youth and childhood ‘vulnerability’ in the context of police custody

This paper, drawing upon qualitative data produced through interviews with custody officers (COs) at two custody suites in England, examines how the vulnerability of children and young people is conceptualised generally, within the criminal process, and then, more specifically, in police custody. It uses the appropriate adult (AA) safeguard under Code C to the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 as the point of reference and explores, firstly, how childhood is conceptualised and, secondly, how childhood vulnerability is understood by COs. The responses of COs are perhaps indicative of a wider issue within the criminal process – the construction of youth and childhood and, accordingly, the criminal law response to children and young people. Within this paper, whilst it is accepted that childhood and vulnerability are non-static concepts, it is nevertheless contended that children and young people are vulnerable, particularly when facing the criminal process.     

How to improve china’s witness protection system: an evaluation on protection of witness in the amendment to the criminal procedure law of china

If the personal and property security of witnesses themselves and their family members could not be protected effectively, witnesses may be reluctant to testify, to present in court, or to give truthful testimony. However, the witness protection system provided by China’s legislation is porous, and the implementation of the current witness protection system in practice is not satisfactory, which causes the serious consequence that a witness is unwilling to testify or does not dare to be present in court. An important measure should be adopted to improve the witness protection system in providing practical and comprehensive protection for witnesses in China. The provisions on the protection of witnesses in the drafted amendment to the Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China is more advanced than the current law, but still too simple and not enough, which cannot change the weak situation of protection of witnesses, and are needed to be strengthened in judicial interpretations after the drafted amendment is passed. Perfection of China’s witness protection system is necessary in practice, which is still dependent on the reform of the judicial system and the working mechanism in China even if the drafted amendment was passed afterwards. China shall apply the provisions in the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and the UN Convention against Corruption Convention as a guide and absorb other countries’ and regions’ experience to improve its witness protection system, but the basic point is that it should be based on China’s realities, and localize the specific systems.