战后日本政治的民族主义化

二战后五十多年来,日本政界一些要员及右翼势力否认、歪曲和美化侵略历史,为军国主义招魂。在新世纪里,小泉三次参拜靖国神社、通过“反恐怖三法案”和“有事三法案”,是日本政治右倾化加剧的重要标志,也是战后日本民族主义政治发展的必然结果。     

拉美社会政治思潮新动向

拉美是一个与美欧西方国家保持密切接触、政党派别多种多样、媒体发达、思想活跃和乐于接受新理论的地区。因此，拉美经常出现一些紧跟国内外形势变化的思潮。最近几年，尤其是2008年，美国金融危机的爆发、拉美社会问题的恶化以及拉美左派的东山再起，对拉美社会政治思潮的动向产生了重大影响。当前，拉美占主流地位的思潮主要涉及以下三个方面：     

日本社会政治思潮发展新动向

近来,受国内政治“钟摆效应”以及国际形势变化的深刻影响,日本“反政治右倾化”趋势明显,但防卫和安全领域的新保守主义有所增强,狭隘民族主义也有所发展。     

印度文化民族主义及其对印度社会政治的影响

印度文化民族主义是当代印度的主要社会思潮之一。当代印度文化民族主义有世俗和宗教两种表现形式,且在冷战后又有新的表现。它具有鲜明的民族性、宗教性、两面性和排斥性特征。当代印度文化民族主义产生原因复杂多样,包括政治、经济、文化、和宗教等因素。印度文化民族主义对印度社会政治有着深刻的影响。     

当前欧洲社会政治思潮简析

当前,伴随着欧洲经济不景气以及美国金融危机的扩散,欧洲经济和政治发展模式面临诸多难题,社会政治思潮趋于活跃。     

和谐社会的政治均衡

政治均衡是和谐社会的题中应有之义。政治均衡包含内外两个层面 ,即政治系统与其外部环境之间和政治系统内部均处于均衡状态。当前我国的政治非均衡主要体现在三个层面 ,即政治系统与经济、社会系统之间均存在非均衡 ,政治系统内部缺乏一个平衡各阶层和社会群体间利益关系的政治结构。要改变这种状况 ,实现政治均衡 ,既要创新社会公共管理体制 ,又要以扩大政治参与为中心 ,推进政治结构的合理化     

Articulating the Nexus of Politics and Law: War in Iraq and the Practice within Two Legal Systems

Does law rule foreign affairs in the democratic state? Basically, one might expect that democratic executives operate on the ground of what is called the Rechtsstaat, and that in a political system with checks and balances operations—especially those eventually dropping out of that ground—are subject to judicial review. However, legal systems are more often than not willing to abstain from a legal governance of its countries' foreign policy—because of "political reasons." Moreover, democracies obviously vary according to their legal operations. At least in the area of foreign affairs, the relationship of democracy and law does not take up a necessary character. Facing this contingency, the article engages in the discursive construction of a politics and law nexus in the course of the operations of two legal systems, in the United States and Germany. For that reason, it will proceed by deconstructing two legal decisions related to the war in Iraq. Building upon the premise that legal practices are intertwined into a larger web of (legal) text, the article argues that the possibility of a judicial abstention in cases bearing reference to foreign policy issues depends on meaning produced in the course of the signification and positioning of discursive elements like "politics" and "law." Thus, speaking law is a politico-legal practice.     

热话题与冷思考(十九)--关于当代西方政治和社会思潮的对话

一年多以前,你和陈林合编了一本文集,书名是<第三条道路>,副标题是<世纪之交的西方政治变革>.这样的处理说明,你们认为,"第三条道路"是世纪之交西方发达资本主义国家在政党政治和政治理论方面发生的新变化的反映.我很赞成这种看法.我认为,这种变化一方面是第二次世界大战以来两个阵营之间冷战发展的结果,同时也是发达资本主义国家内部自由主义、保守主义和欧洲共产主义、社会民主主义之间的长期斗争、妥协和相互渗透的结果.我们的杂志过去发表了不少研究共产主义、社会民主主义的历史、理论和现状的文章,但是涉及自由主义、保守主义的文章不多.因此,在探讨当前的西方政治思潮时,我认为最好先谈谈自由主义.     

Contested National Identity and Political Crisis in Bangladesh: Historical Analysis of the Dynamics of Bangladeshi Society and Politics

This paper develops the theme that the ongoing political polarization and political crisis in Bangladesh since its independence from Pakistan in 1971 reflect the fundamental weaknesses of the pillars of Bangladeshi society and national identity. The paper adopts an historical approach to explain why and how Muslim nationalism, which was the basis for the establishment of Pakistan, has re-emerged in contemporary Bangladeshi society and politics and is competing against Bengali ethnicity, language, culture and secularism (‘Bengali nationalism’) within an emerging ‘two-party’ political system. However, instead of establishing a stable political system following the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy, the Bangladeshi society/polity has been polarized and divided almost vertically on the question of national identity and political philosophy and created sustained political instability and uncertainty. This has stifled the formation and consolidation of a national identity based on ethnicity/language/culture or religion/territory/political history or that have elements of both. Neither ethnicity/language/culture/secularism-based nationalism (Bengali nationalism) nor predominantly Muslim-territorial nationalism (‘Bangladeshi nationalism’) alone can dominate and flourish in Bangladeshi society and polity; instead, the objective conditions in the country dictate that a competitive democratic system of politics which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and Islamic ethical–moral codes remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country's multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state.