中国企业发展战略的文化思考

迎接经济全球化的挑战,适应知识经济发展的社会,加大企业改革的力度,都需要加强企业化建设。企业化作为管理理论、管理思想和管理方式,对网络经济和确定以人为本的现代意识,对形成和谐管理的方式,都具有十分重要的作用。实施企业化管理,建设企业化,应该将企业家化的形成、优良传统的继承、讲求个异化特征放在重要位置加以重视。     

The influence of business associations on legislation: The case of Kenya

Interest groups seek to influence public policy. Business associations specifically seek to influence policy related to the environment in which their members operate, with the intention of making it easier for the members, and the wider private sector, to “do business.” Scholars question whether interest groups are influential and, if so, the degree to which their activity influences public policy. Even if they do influence public policy at the margins, it is questionable how effective they are in influencing legislation. As a result, there is little exploration of the factors that may determine whether business membership organizations (BMOs) are likely to be successful. This paper explores the efforts of two BMOs in Kenya to influence legislation: In one case, the BMO persuaded the government to introduce legislation to regulate an activity that had previously not been subject to legislation; in the other, a BMO sought to persuade the government to amend its own proposals to replace existing legislation with new legislation. In both cases, we find evidence that the BMO was successful, though one BMO was significantly more successful than the other. We review the factors perceived by the BMOs to have led to their success. Neither was in a position to rely on economic or other power to strong‐arm the government. Both followed a predominantly insider strategy though with occasional media back‐up. Both were successful on the more “technical” issues. Key factors include the use of a champion, engaging across government, supplying information, and providing evidence and good argumentation.     

Lewis S. Feuer: The Scholar as Intellectual

The career of Lewis S. Feuer spanned several disciplines—Philosophy, Sociology, Politics, and History (especially the History of Ideas); his books and articles covered several centuries, and were devoted primarily to exposing the emotional undercurrents that animated the thought of intellectuals. Feuer tended to be highly suspicious of intellectuals, because they were susceptible to the allure of ideologies, which masked a dangerous will to power. His greatest achievement was to connect the contours of political and social thought to the drives of persons and to the context of institutions; his greatest limitation was to miss, at least in the United States, the deeper problem of popular hostility to science and to knowledge itself.     

Congressional Responses to the Rehnquist Court's Federalism Decisions

Scholars who have sought to assess the consequences of the RehnquistCourt's federalism decisions have identified various means bywhich Congress can overcome the effects of these rulings, butthere have been few efforts to investigate the degree to whichCongress has employed these means. This study finds that Congresshas enjoyed limited success in responding to the Court's rulings.Significantly, though, the failure to overcome the effects ofthese decisions is rarely attributable to the fact that theCourt's constitutional doctrines have erected insurmountablebarriers to congressional action. Rather, the Court's decisionshave forced congressional supporters of the invalidated statutoryprovisions to build and hold political coalitions in supportof the repassage of these laws, and this has frequently provedto be difficult to accomplish, whether due to a lack of enthusiasmfor such efforts, conflicts with other policy goals, or oppositionfrom other groups.     

ADMINISTRATIVE CHRONICLE VICTORIA*

In its final months the outgoing Thompson Liberal Ministry was largely pre-occupied with the implementation of its New Directions strategy. It introduced a public service bill in December to bring about greater effectiveness in the public service and ensure that its policy priorities were understood, thus complementing the Effectiveness Review Committee already set up, and it began a review of the three central coordinating agencies, the Public Service Board, the Treasury and the Department of the Premier, with an independent American consultant. The thrust of these three measures was to advise the government on proposals to set up new departments, relocate personnel and manpower resources, to set up programs for effectiveness reviews, and to bring forward amendments to the Public Service Act of 1974 which had followed Sir Henry Bland's inquiry in the early 1970s. These were intended to give the Public Service Board extended powers to allow it to conduct effectiveness reviews into statutory authorities, to extend Board employment powers to such authorities and to bring them into the public service framework, ensuring a more cohesive and less fragmented State public service. Senior staff could now be employed on term appointments, with performance-oriented objectives, giving greater flexibility at the top. And finally, the Board was to have power to become involved in specific industrial issues at the departmental level, sharpening its current generalized industrial powers.     

Terrorism and pork-barrel spending

The horrifying, tragic events of 9/11 made Americans aware of their vulnerability to terrorist attacks and triggered the creation of the Department of Homeland Security along with a substantial increase in federal spending to both thwart terrorist attacks and to increase our ability to respond to such emergencies. Much of this large increase in spending was in the form of direct transfers to states and cities through several grant programs. Homeland Security grants may be used for protection against terrorist activities, thereby enhancing public interests, or as wealth transfers to state and local governments, enhancing the reelection efforts of incumbents, and thus, private interests. Using 2004 per capita Homeland Security grant funding to states and their cities, we find that the funding formula used for some of the grant programs, which allocates almost 40% of the funds in some grant programs through a minimum percent to each state with the rest allocated based on population, means that per capita funding is related to electoral votes per capita, i.e., to the politics of Presidential re-election. However, the funding in other grant programs is also related to some of the dangers and vulnerabilities faced by states and their cities. Some of the variation in per capita grant allocations is also explained by the amount of airport traffic in the state and the state's population density, which are variables closely linked to the state's vulnerability to attack. Per capita Homeland Security grant allocations, however, do not seem to be related to the closeness of the 2000 presidential race.     

Constructing and contesting legitimacy and accountability in polycentric regulatory regimes

The legitimacy and accountability of polycentric regulatory regimes, particularly at the transnational level, has been severely criticized, and the search is on to find ways in which they can be enhanced. This paper argues that before developing even more proposals, we need to pay far greater attention to the dynamics of accountability and legitimacy relationships, and to how those in regulatory regimes respond to them. The article thus first seeks to develop a closer analysis of three key elements of legitimacy and accountability relationships which it suggests are central to these dynamics: The role of the institutional environment in the construction of legitimacy, the dialectical nature of accountability relationships, and the communicative structures through which accountability occurs and legitimacy is constructed. Second, the article explores how organizations in regulatory regimes respond, or are likely to respond, to multiple legitimacy and accountability claims, and how they themselves seek to build legitimacy in complex and dynamic situations. The arguments developed here are not normative: There is no “grand solution” proposed to the normative questions of when regulators should be considered legitimate or how to make them so. Rather, the article seeks to analyse the dynamics of legitimacy and accountability relationships as they occur in an attempt to build a more realistic foundation on which grander “how to” proposals can be built. For until we understand these dynamics, the grander, normative arguments risk being simply pipe dreams – diverting, but in the end making little difference.     

思想路线问题是中国革命和建设的一个根本问题

能否坚持实事求是的思想路线问题,是中国革命和建设的一个根本问题,它关系到中国革命和建设需不需要马克思主义科学理论的指导,关系到我们能否把握到中国革命和建设的真谛,关系到我们能否把中国革命和建设从一个胜利推向另一个胜利.在新时期新阶段,面对复杂多变的客观形势,要坚持好实事求是的思想路线,必须有正确的立场,必须有一种批评与自我批评的精神,必须要以民主作保证,必须要有一种坚持真理的勇气,必须要以不断提高我们的能力作保证.     

How much is good health worth?

A consumer-demand or subjective-value approach to valuing government health activities is recommended. The human-capital valuations generally used in cost-benefit analysis are unrelated to peoples' preferences and, therefore, irrelevant to political decisions. A number of important policy conclusions emerge from applying the suggested principle that government activities be valued on the basis of what people would be willing to pay for them: Beyond programs to aid the poor, government health efforts should be restricted to overcoming deficiencies in the operations of the private marketplace; that is, to regulatory actions, control of infectious disease and environmental pollution, and aid to biomedical research. Free services provided to the poor should be justified by the willingness of the nonpoor to pay for them. Thus, the preferences of the nonpoor are important in designing optimal poverty programs. Under present circumstances, direct money transfers to the poor seem preferable to further increases in poverty medical programs. The value of existing programs could be increased by giving more weight to what the poor want instead of what medical experts say is most important for their health.The people who have assisted in the preparation of this paper are truly too numerous to mention in total. I am particularly indebted to Ed Park and Jim DeHaven of Rand for their helpful discussions, to Paul Feldman of the Institute for Defense Analysis for ideas, stimulation, and encouragement, and to Dick Zeckhauser of Harvard for his perceptive comments on an earlier draft.     

论大部制下政府业务流程优化与再造

各级政府如何适应中央大部制改革？一个可行的办法是运用网络技术,根据公众的需求,打破传统的部门分工制管理模式,按照业务流程规律,进行优化与再造,形成面向公众的扁平式管理体制,以实现政府管理体制与社会主义市场经济同步发展。     

对我国目前服务业发展存在问题的思考——从经济增长与充分就业角度审视

本文认为我国经济发展的首要目标,不是经济高增长,而是充分就业。为此,我国必须正视服务业吸纳就业能力强的现实,认清服务业发展滞后的主要成因,把确立以服务业为主导的产业结构作为发展方式转变的主攻方向,明晰基本思路,找准战略突破口,采取有效措施,全力推进我国服务业大发展。     

论审判权运行机制改革

审判权运行机制改革主要是为了贯彻中央关于深化司法体制和工作机制改革的总体部署，适应公正司法的要求，建立符合司法规律的审判权运行模式，优化配置审判资源，加强独任法官、合议庭办案责任制，维护独立审判原则，最大程度地满足人民群众对公平正义的需求，提高司法公信，树立司法权威。人民法院将着重设计具体的审理工作程序，使合议庭、审委会回归其审判组织的属性，强化审判责任，切实做到“让审理者裁判，由裁判者负责”。     

坚持“以人为本”,完善医保政策——以徐州市职工医保政策调整为中心

"以人为本"是科学发展观的核心。医保制度直接为人服务,要想实现发展上的跨越,必须坚持"以人为本"。落实这一要求,具体到政策调整环节,就是实现"三个转变",即:公平上实现从单一人群保障向医保全民共享的转变,效率上实现从单纯为基金找平衡到主动向基金要效益的转变,效果上实现从"又快又好"向"又好又快"的转变。2009年市委、市政府主导下的徐州市职工医保政策调整,具有典型意义,充分体现了"以人为本"的原则。     

Advancing Human Rights Policy: Does Grassroots Mobilization and Community Dispute Resolution Matter? Insights from Chiapas,Mexico

This research examines the impact of grassroots organizing at the community level in Chiapas, Mexico, to address problems associated with human rights advocacy and implementation. Traditionally, the nation‐state has had the primary responsibility to address issues pertaining to human rights violations and the enforcement of international human rights principles and treaties. Local political struggles and acts of resistance by disenfranchised groups in Mexico offer insight to understand the impact of indigenous and other social movements in furthering human rights. Indigenous populations in the state of Chiapas use local community dispute resolution to contest the inadequacy of the state in responding to the problems that give rise to poverty, lack of human dignity, educational access, racial and ethnic discrimination, lack of political participation in government and the right to equality in economic, social, and political sectors. Drawing from research based on participant observations in Chiapas, Mexico, there is some evidence to suggest that since the 1994 EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) uprising several micro‐level political and social movements have contested the power of the state through symbolic and pragmatic organizing efforts. These groups include, but are not limited to, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), women's groups, and indigenous groups. After the Zapatista uprising, these groups were instrumental in making claims against the state through numerous activities: protests to end the war, the development of NGOs to observe human rights violations, civilian‐based Zapatista support groups (base de apoyo), peace camps, and open dialogue with the EZLN. I argue that collective mobilization in local communities serves both symbolic and pragmatic efforts in helping disenfranchised groups empower themselves to address economic, social, and political inequality. Local‐level activism has fueled a sense of self‐empowerment to change state institutional responses and to involve sectors of civil society domestically and internationally to initiate a proper resolution of issues that are fundamentally related to human rights.     

Reform and the National Health Service

Why is there so much discontent about the current plans to reform the National Health Service in England? What is the government trying to do, and are the critics right to want to block reform? This paper traces the genesis of the current proposals in the Health and Social Care Bill, currently in the Lords, and why the Government has had to water down significant parts of it to appease the critics. The paper argues that the case for change has not been made to public or the 1.3 million staff in the NHS, the extent and timing of the reform is far from ideal given the need to make unprecedented efficiencies in the NHS, and that the political process to gain support has been weak. Yet many elements of the Bill push the NHS in the right direction, and without effective reform the original settlement—to provide equal access to care on the basis of need—is put at risk.     

为"医患矛盾"开处方

医生与患者之间的矛盾被称为“医患矛盾”，医疗体制虽然不断进步完善，但医患矛盾却呈现上升的趋势。本文从医疗单位、医务人员本身和患者三个方面详细地分析了“医患矛盾”产生的原因，并根据现存的问题对“医患矛盾”提出了相应的应对措施和建议，为“医患矛盾”的化解提供了有益的参考路径。     

Preventing radicalism in educational institutions: Pakistan a case in point

With the recent drastic shifts in societies, thinking styles, and most importantly, the degree of online‐and‐offline exposure, it is easy for the young and developing mind to fall prey to radical or extremist ideas. Radical organizations direct their recruiting efforts toward those who have yet to reach adolescence and are incapable of forming well‐informed and educated decisions. Since it is in human nature to target the weak and the vulnerable, these organizations look for dissatisfied, isolated and friendless young people. They are especially allured when these organizations promise to get them all they lack. As there have been incidents recently reported on young students' involvement in terror activities, the study proposes alternatives to prevent them from falling prey to radical thoughts. The proposed alternatives are judged through TOPSIS (Technique of Order Preference Similarity to the Ideal Solution) and the ideal alternative is singled out after mathematical calculation. Out of the five proposed alternatives, the study, through TOPSIS analysis, proposes that parents may be trained to handle their children in order to keep them from radical thoughts. In addition to the ideal alternative, the study also suggests that the government take preventive measures to curb the evil of radicalism.     

十八届四中全会司法改革新举措之解读

党的十八届四中全会《决定》明确了一系列司法改革新举措,对司法体制改革作出新的重大部署。最高人民法院设立巡回法庭,探索设立跨行政区划的人民法院和人民检察院,建立领导干部干预司法活动、插手具体案件处理的记录、通报和责任追究制度,从制度和体制上防范和禁止地方行政权力干涉,保障审判权、检察权依法独立行使;推进以审判为中心的诉讼制度改革,实行审判权和执行权相分离体制,探索建立检察机关提起公益诉讼制度,实行立案登记制,从司法权运行机制和职能定位上强化司法权威,促进公正司法,保障国家和公民权益。     

对依法行政若干问题的思考

根据国务院提出的全面推进依法行政决定精神，本探讨了依法行政的内涵和要求，提出了实现依法行政的内部和外部条件。对如何正确理解依法行政、如何适用行政法律规范、行政程序法在依法行政中的地位和作用等问题结合行政管理和执法实际，提出了一些观点和看法。     

Learning Organizations in the Public Sector? A Study of Police Agencies Employing Information and Technology to Advance Knowledge

In an attempt to reap the purported benefits that "knowledge workers" bring to organizations, many police departments have shifted to a community problem–oriented policing philosophy. Rather than focusing on enforcement and incarceration, this philosophy is based on the dissemination of information to promote a proactive, preventative approach to reduce crime and disorder. In keeping with much of the contemporary literature on the "learning organization" (sometimes called the "knowledge organization"), police departments hope to deter crime through the knowledge benefits that derive from information and its associated technologies. With goals to stimulate productivity, performance, and effectiveness, police departments across the country are employing information technology to turn police officers into problem solvers and to leverage their intellectual capital to preempt crime and neighborhood deterioration.
Many public and private organizations are striving to change their operations toward this same concept of the knowledge worker. Information technology is often touted as a vehicle for capturing, tracking, sorting, and providing information to advance knowledge, thus leading to improvements in service–delivery efforts. Based on an extensive study of police departments that have attempted to implement a knowledge–worker paradigm (supported by information technology initiatives), this research explores the feasibility, effectiveness, and limitations of information and technology in promoting the learning organization in the public sector.