The world economic pattern in the 1990s and Asia-Pacific economic cooperation

The world economic pattern of the 1990s will have many characteristics. For example: 1) the world economy will tend to move further toward multipolarization and several fairly large regional economic blocs will be formed with these polars as their center; 2) the United States, Japan, and Europe will play a dominant role in the new world economic pattern; and 3) the Asia-Pacific economies will be the most vigorous part of the world economy. Since the 1980s, with the development of the internationalization of the world economy and regional integration, Asia-Pacific economic cooperation has entered into a new period. However, it is very difficult to form a close entity of economic cooperation (such as the EC) including the whole Asia-Pacific region. Perhaps it is more practical to found a subregional economic cooperative body, such as a “Northeast Asian economic sphere,” in the near future. This article was originally prepared for a roundtable conference on “Economic Issues in the Northwest Pacific: Perspectives in a Dramatically Changing World,” held December 14–16, 1990, in Oiso, Japan. The cosponsors of the conference were Taisho Research Institute, the Japan Economic Foundation, and The American Council on Asian and Pacific Affairs.     

State-Market relations in East Asia and institution-building in the Asia-Pacific

In the economic development of East Asain countries during the 1980s and 1990s, there has emerged a distinct form of capitalism characterized by active state intervetion in the economy and close state-business relations. This article attempts to identify the key ingredients of the relations between the state and market that has led to industrial development in East Asia. It also explores how these characteristics are reflected institution-building in the Asia-Pacific as, for example, in the case of APEC where conflicts have developed between the Asian and western members in their attempts to promote economic cooperation An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference on “Global Visions Toward the Next Millennium: Modern Civilization and Beyond” in South Korea, September 24–26, 1998. The author is grateful to G. John Ikenberry, Jong-Chan Rhee and William James for their comments on the paper.     

State,Society, and Economic Development in Sports Life Cycles: The Case of Boxing in Korea

This study documents the rise and fall of boxing in Korea since its introduction in 1912. The participation of amateur athletes in boxing has decreased sharply since the 1980s. Also, the popularity of professional boxing among sports fans has diminished in recent decades. I consider boxing as a “product” that is “consumed” by individuals as participants and fans. I apply product life-cycle theory in analyzing the changing popularity of boxing. I argue that changes in the tastes of sports fans are closely linked to economic development, industrialization and standard of living. I present the rise in the popularity of soccer, baseball, and golf as illustrations of the changing tastes of consumers of sports that have accompanied economic development and social changes as well as the changing government policies on sports.

Indonesia′s new challenges and opportunities: Blueprint for reform after the economic crisis

This article assesses the challenges and opportunities faced by the Indonesian government following the Asian economic crisis of 1997 and the fall of the Suharto regime. It examines Indonesia's ongoing economic decentralization program, and these policies' relations to market globalization; discusses regional development policies and their relations to ongoing changes in the central government; and attempts to define principles of “good governance” that will ensure Indonesia's ability to bail itself out of the current crisis and move toward positive long-term economic development. An earlier version of this article was presented at the conference on “Globalization and New Governance,” organized by the SEMIN Foundation of Korea and Asia Pacific Public Administration Forum of Taiwan, Suwon City, South Korea, October 7–11, 1999.     

Singapore′s globalization strategy

For singapore, it is not a question of whether to globalize, but how to globalize. While Singapore may be handicapped by its small size and lack of natural resources, it seems that these drawbacks could be less of a problem as the world economy becomes more sophisticated. Physical size and natural resources will become less important for economic growth when compared with human capital, information, and knowledge in the future. To build the city-state, the Singaporean government adopted a number of bold strategies to develop its economy, making it a leader among the newly industrialized nations involved in the region. Singapore's export-oriented industrialization evolved in several stages and had to overcome obstacles along the way. Its success was dependent on enlightened government policy in cultivating good relations with multinational corporations and cooperation between the government-run and private enterprises. A review of the economy in the last decade gave birth to the Strategic Economic Plan of 1991. Besides underlining the importance of the manufacturing and service sectors, the plan also emphasized the regionalization and globalization of the economy. While the Asian economic crisis has affected Singapore's development, it has not changed Singapore's determination to globalize and liberalize its economy. An earlier version of this article was presented at the conference on “Globalization and new Governance,” hosted by the Semin Foundation and Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum in Suwon, Korea, 7–11 October 1999.     

Narrating suffering, constructing Chinese modernity: The emergence of the modern subject in Chinese literature

The purpose of this article is to attempt a new reading of the relationship between Chinese modernity and tradition by conducting a case study in Chinese literary modernity. Specifically, it sets up a dialogue between the vernacular tale redacted by Feng menglong (1574–1646), “Fifteen Strings of Cash: A Jest that Leads to Disaster” and its modern transformation “Daybreak” by the contemporary Taiwan writer Zhu Xining (1927–1998). When we juxtapose “Daybreak” with “Fifteen Strings of Cash”, we discover that Zhu's preoccupation with the tension between “modernity” and “tradition” leads to the emergence of the modern subject in Chinese literature. The comparison draws attention to the change of narrator, the differences in narrative structure, the story's temporal rearrangement, and finally the reliance on the female defendant's performativity in shaping the modern male subject.     

China’s Contemporary Political Leadership,Foreign Policy,and Their Chineseness

There have been several profound features embedded in the contemporary Chinese political leadership, all having their roots in the Chinese centuries-long traditions or the modern/contemporary creative practice, together with their shaping impacts upon China’s foreign policy or remarkable reflections in her external behavior. They are: reforms inherently differentiated; central idea of “maintenance”, notion of “biological circle governing universe”, paradox in the question of equality, the emphasis on morality, overwhelmingly domestic function of foreign policy, firm belief in the Chineseness per sue and its overwhelming importance, and political prudence in the perennial context of “Strong China, Weak China.” China is facing enormous domestic historical challenges and substantial international pressure, while a generally peaceful China can be assured at least from her self-regarding realistic perspective.     

Indonesia and the implementation of the bogor goals

At APEC’s second “summit” meeting, in November 1994, President Suharto of Indonesia steered the leaders of the eighteen member countries, or territories, to accept the vision of “free trade in the region” by 2020, with the developed economies achieving the goal by 2010. Six months later, Indonesia introduced a package of liberalization measures that combined its commitments in ASEAN, the Uruguay Round agreements, and the APEC process. It has hoped thereby to show others what might be done to achieve “the Bogor goals.” Arifin M. Siregar, the Indonesian ambassador to the United States, was Indonesia’s minister of trade in 1988–1993. He was previously governor of the Bank of Indonesia (1983–1988). Before joining the bank as an executive director in 1971, Dr. Siregar was an economic affairs officer at the United Nations, New York (1961–1963); an economic officer at the United Nations, Beirut, Lebanon (1963–1965); and a senior economist at the International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC (1965–1971).     

Security cooperation in Northeast Asia: Problems and prospects

During the past five years there have been a growing number of proposals for dialogue, “regimes” and other cooperative institutions designed to enhance regional security. This article critically evaluates the key proposals and notes the objections that have been raised against them. It goes on to argue that many of these objections are without validity. The article contrasts the considerable progress in this area, which has been achieved in Southeast Asia with the absence of progress in Northeast Asia — and suggests some reasons for the difference. The article concludes with an analysis of some of the contradictory elements of such concepts as “cooperative security,” “security cooperation” and “common security,” which are gaining increasing currency in the region.     

A Rising China and the Normative Changes in International Society

Normative changes in the Western-dominated international society have been taking place, symbolized by the evolution from the “standard of civilization” to the “new standard of civilization”. And the West has always been the developer of the new norms in international society, and changes in international norms reflect the link between power on one hand and norms, rules and institutions on the other. That is a fact or an invented reality which a rapidly rising China has to deal with, and its implications on China’s future relationship with the international society are sure to be great and far-reaching.     

INCREASING WOMEN's PARTICIPATION IN VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA

In the last three decades in China, few and declining numbers of women have participated in the main grassroots institutions of rural government, the village committee and the village branch of the Chinese Communist Party. This article examines a project aimed at addressing this problem, initiated in 2003 in Heyang county, Shaanxi, by one of China's largest and most influential women's nongovernmental organizations, West Women, together with the state-affiliated Women's Federation. The article discusses the goals, strategies, and short-term results of the Heyang Project. It then discusses the longer-term potential of the Heyang model for achieving greater gender equity and women's empowerment in rural China. Previous studies have critiqued Chinese approaches to the goal of increasing women's participation in village government, but have not questioned the desirability or need for the goal itself. In this article, the author takes the critique one step further, to provoke questions about the very desirability of increasing women's participation in village government. She concludes that when viewed in light of other recent trends, notably large-scale rural out-migration and tax reforms, increasing women's participation in village government may not have as desirable or significant an impact on gender relations as has previously been assumed.     

The attentive spectators: Political participation of the Hong Kong Chinese

Based on a large-scale territory-wide questionnaire survey, this study purports to delineate the pattern of political participation of the Hong Kong Chinese. It is found that though the overall level of participation remains low, political activism has nonetheless increased since the early 1980s. Political participation in Hong Kong is primarily parochial and conventional in nature, yet there also exists a significant expressive and unconventional component. The mode of participation is fragmented and largely individualistic. Hong Kong Chinese are increasingly inclined to take collective actions, but participation mobilized by political groups is still limited. Hong Kong Chinese however pay much attention to politics. In view of the coexistence of high cognitive participation and low behavioral participation, Hong Kong Chinese can be appropriately described as “attentive spectators.” He is the author ofSociety and Politics in Hong Kong (1982) andHong Kong Politics in the Transitional Period (in Chinese, 1993)     

Discovering Xingkaihu: Political Inmates in a PRC Labor Camp

During the years of 1955–1969, the Xingkaihu labor camp in China’s northeastern borderland of Heilongjiang Province detained large numbers of social undesirables, a considerable portion being charged with political offenses. The authorities used them as forced laborers for land reclamation and other projects in conjunction with “ideological remolding.” This research examines the experiences of intellectual political inmates in Xingkaihu. They suffered physically and psychologically. Their attempts to redeem themselves exacerbated their misfortune and came to define one aspect of the tragedy of intellectuals in Mao’s China. I also outline the development of Xingkaihu, its managerial features, and the camp authority’s alleged efforts to remold the inmates ideologically through combined use of indoctrination, manipulation, intimidation and coercion.

The China model of Korean reunification

Like Germany's reunification, essentially the annexation of East Germany by West Germany, Korean reunification looms as most likely, ultimately and largely entailing South Korea's annexation of North Korea. The awesome cost borne by West Germany for reunification has been instructive to South Korea, particularly in recognition that the material and ideological gaps between North and South Korea are far greater than those which existed between East and West Germany. A possible solution to the negative implications of cataclysmic reunificationmay rest in gradual reunification of the Koreas, with an interim industrialization of North Korea by South Korea, based on the model of the economic development zones in southeastern China; hence, the “China Model”. In such a scenario the investors in North Korea's gradual industrialization would be (primarily) the huge conglomerate South Korean corporations chaebol which seek cheaper labor pools abroad. Investment by such corporations, in cooperation with the South Korean government, and possibly supplemented by western and Japanese capital investment, would presumably raise levels of productivity and the standard of living in the economically and agriculturally ravished North. The North-South gaps would thus be gradually reduced as would the financial and other burdens South Korea would otherwise have to bear for cataclysmic reunification.     

Illusions of Relevance? An Australian Encounter with Malay History and Southeast Asian Security

A. C. Milner’s visiting inaugural at N.U.S. invites exploration of its author’s intellectual development, for he boldly claims a role for an Australian historian of Southeast Asia as a promoter of liberal governance for Southeast Asian societies, in face of militant Islamism. His earlier “postmodernist” commitment to “getting inside the Malay experience” constitutes some sort of precursor, but relativist scepticism fits as uncomfortably as does, in its own way, advocacy of Australian tolerance of Asian authoritarianism. In attacking Leifer’s Realism, the lecture seems ill-informed, while the post-war Oakeshott is scarcely relevant to the diverse societies of Southeast Asia.

Chinese Nation Building and Foreign Policy: Japan and the US as the Significant “Others” in National Identity Construction

This article examines Chinese nation building in the post-Cold War era from the perspective of foreign policy. It focuses on the role of Japan and the United States as significant “Others” in Chinese leaders’ construction of three major variants of Chinese national identity: as a victim (past), as a developing country (present) and as a great power (future). The article argues that Japan occupies a primary place in the enactment of the past aspect of Chinese identity, while the US plays a major role in its present and, especially, future aspects.     

Emotion by design

Zusammenfassung Der Prozess gesellschaftlicher Gefühlsregulationen ist in der soziologischen Theoriegeschichte als Ausbreitung von Selbstzw?ngen und Rationalisierung beschrieben worden. Demgegenüber stellte sich die Lockerung emotionaler Disziplin im 20. Jahrhundert als Informalisierung von Emotionsregeln dar. Die gegenw?rtigen Programme emotionaler Selbststeuerung hingegen, wie sie in aktuellen Konzepten von Arbeit und Management, von Beratung, Training und Therapie vorfindbar sind, deuten daraufhin, dass sich mittlerweile der Gegensatz von Disziplinierung und Informalisierung aufzul?sen beginnt. Im Gefolge einer modernen Wettbewerbsgesellschaft, die ihren ?konomischen Fluchtpunkt im Markterfolg findet und kulturell von Prozessen der „Subjektivierung“ begleitet wird, breiten sich Programme des Selbstmanagements aus, die sich vor allem der kognitiven Veranlassung und des strategischen Einsatzes von Gefühlen widmen. Gefühle sind dadurch nicht mehr allein Objekt subjektiver und sozialer Kontrolle. Vielmehr zielt modernes Selbstmanagement auf die „Optimierung“ des emotionalen Erlebens und Darstellens ab, wofür das Konzept der „emotionalen Intelligenz“ beispielhaft ist. Derartige Programme einer modernen Emotionalisierung von Gesellschaft und ?konomie hinterlassen jedoch den paradoxen Effekt, erst zu jener „affektiven Neutralit?t“ hinzuführen, der sie vermeintlich begegnen wollen.

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Emotion by design

Summary In sociological theory, the social process of regulating emotions has been described in terms of self-constraints and rationalization. In contrast, the loosening of emotional discipline in the 20th century represented itself as “informalization” of feeling rules. Present programs of emotional self-management, however, to be found in current concepts of work and business, as well as of consultation, training and therapy, point to the fact that the contrast of disciplining and informalization is blurring. In the wake of a market society, which seeks its economic yardsticks in personal efficiency as well as financial success, and which is culturally accompanied by processes of “subjectivation,” programs of self-management dedicated primarily to the cognitive triggering and strategic use of emotions are on the rise. But feelings are not just the object of subjective and social control. Rather, modern selfmanagement aims at the “optimization” of emotional experience and performance, for which Daniel Goleman’s popular concept of “Emotional Intelligence” is exemplary. Curiously, such programs of a modern emotionalizing in society and economics have the paradoxical effect of leading precisely to the “affective neutrality” they stood up against in the first place.

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Résumé Le processus de régulation sociale des sentiments a été décrit dans l’histoire de la pensée sociologique comme progrès de l’autocontrainte et de la rationalisation. A l’opposé, le relachement de la discipline émotionnelle au cours du 20ème siècle est apparu comme une informalisation des règles de ma?trise des émotions. Les programmes contemporains de contr?le de ses émotions, tels qu’on les trouve dans les concepts développés actuellement par les ressources humaines et le management, le conseil, les méthodes d’entra?nement et la pratique thérapeutique, indiquent que l’opposition entre disciplination et informalisation commence à s’estomper. Avec l’avènement d’une société concurrentielle moderne mesurant toute activité économique à l’aune du succès commercial et s’accompagnant de processus culturels de „subjectivation“, des programmes de management de soi se répandent qui se consacrent en premier lieu à la motivation cognitive et l’utilisation stratégique des sentiments. Les sentiments cessent ainsi d’être objets du seul contr?le subjectif et social. Le management de soi moderne vise bien plut?t à „optimiser“ le vécu et les représentations émotionnelles ; le concept d’„intelligence émotionnelle“ est à ce titre exemplaire. Néanmoins, de tels programmes visant une émotionnalisation moderne de la société et de l’économie ont paradoxalement pour effet de conduire à cette „neutralité affective“ qu’ils prétendent conjurer.

     

The origins of APRA in Cajamarca, 1928–1935⋆

From its foundation in 1930 until the late 1980s, the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) comprised the largest and best organised political party in Peru, but surprisingly few studies exist on how the organisation was established and built up a mass following at the provincial level. This article examines the birth of APRA in the Andean department of Cajamarca. It highlights the support the organisation obtained among key middle–class groups (i.e. lawyers, schoolteachers, cattle dealers, etc.), and the links they forged with the rural and urban poor. APRA's efforts to mobilise “new” social actors, such as women and students, are also described.     

Stamped out!: Carto-philatelic evidence of the PRC’s constructed notion of China’s territorial integrity

Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”     

Democratization, dispersed interest groups, and economic reform in South Korea: Understanding the decline of the “Chaebol Republic”

The 1997 financial crisis exposed serious weaknesses in South Korea's economy, with its heavy reliance on large conglomerates (chaebol). During the late authoritarian period, the chaebol arose through state guidance and subsidies, becoming the central players in South Korea's export-led growth boom. The early democratic period saw limited efforts toward economic liberalization. But these measures reduced state oversight while actually expanding the privileged access to credit enjoyed by the chaebol. The resulting investment distortions and financial weaknesses were the most important root causes of the 1997 crisis. The 1997 presidential election brought the outsider Kim Dae-jung to power. Kim launched an unprecedented assault on the credit privileges and corporate governance structures of the chaebol. However, the reforms have been compromised by measures to prevent a large transitional recession. It is argued that the overall pattern of ambitious but compromised reform is explained by two main considerations. First, Kim did not want to alienate “dispersed interest groups” (the urban service sector and agriculture). These want to conserve the favorable elements of South Korea's economic model while purging the dross. And at the same time, Kim wanted to focus transitional restructuring costs on the most hostile “concentrated interest group” constituencies (the chaebol and government sectors) of the opposition Grand National Party. I thank Uk Heo and Sunwoong Kim for their helpful suggestions and insights.