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Heide Mertens 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》1987,25(1):111-112
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Celia Wells 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(1):1-38
This paper reports a research project on womenlaw professors in the U.K. Despite theirsimilar social and educational backgrounds,successful women legal academics disclosemarked differences in their perceptions of theinfluence of gender on their work identities.Many emphasise the caring and pastoral rolesthey adopt, or are expected to adopt.Organisational cultures also emerge as asignificant factor in determining the genderexperiences of women law professors. The fewwith experience as head of school downplay thesignificance of gender while simultaneouslyacknowledging the influence of genderconstructions and expectations. 相似文献
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Kate Hodgkin 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》1995,49(1):127-128
This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement - a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future - which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence - from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants.British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions.The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs. 相似文献
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Carol E. Morgan 《Women's history review》2013,22(3):367-389
Abstract While scholars have emphasised the positioning of women as wives and mothers in working-class culture in late nineteenth-century England, their position in the workforce remained significant, even in such disparate industries as cotton and chain-making. In the former, while excluded from spinning, women's employment in powerloom weaving brought them into the heart of the production process, encouraging their participation in workplace struggles and ultimately influencing a transformation in the working-class family in terms of fertility control. In chain-making, while some male workers attempted to position women in the domestic sphere, others were dependent on their labour. Cultural constructions of gender were thus undermined, as the struggle for the minimum wage superseded attempts to remove women from the workforce. In neither industry was equality between men and women realised, while antagonism on the basis of gender persisted. Yet women's identification with their work remained evident while mutuality across gender lines was also apparent, as women themselves played an active role in the shaping of gender relations. Conceptions of gender, as they intersected with particular labour market structures, thus came under duress. Consequently, a more complex picture of gender in working-class life emerges than an analysis which privileges cultural constructions would allow. 相似文献
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Samantha Velluti 《Feminist Legal Studies》2008,16(2):195-214
The article examines gender equality in collective bargaining and looks at the extent to which gender and equal opportunities
issues have been mainstreamed in industrial relations systems in Italy where, despite the existence of old and new legislation
on gender equality, there are persistently low levels of female employment and the precarious workforce is made up predominantly
of women. The central question addressed in the article is whether the injection of a gender mainstreaming approach in the
Italian collective bargaining system, combined with legislative measures, may improve the situation of women in the context
of both public and private spheres. In particular, the article looks at whether gender mainstreaming has the potential to
pave the way towards an ethos of substantive equality at the workplace, whereby women enter the workforce on equal terms and
men are in a position to share the dual responsibilities of paid and unpaid work. The article maintains that gender mainstreaming
may fulfil its transformative potential as a catalyst for changing both the conceptual and analytical tools which the law
deploys, provided it is envisaged as a three-fold strategy involving simultaneous processes of deconstruction, replacement
and inclusive measures, together with deliberative forms of democracy and the imposition of a statutory positive duty on public
authorities to mainstream equality.
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Samantha VellutiEmail: |
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