政变喧嚣中的菲律宾

今年2月以来,太平洋岛国菲律宾接连遭遇天灾人祸.反对派在军民两方运作叛变阴谋,矛头直指当权集团,菲政局出现新一轮动荡.24日,总统阿罗约宣布全国实行紧急状态,并大力清洗反对派,局势逐渐稳定.3月3日,阿宣布紧急状态结束,菲律宾国家运转趋于正常化,但长远看来变数犹存.     

Urbanization,roads, and rural population change in the Ecuadorian Andes

Like many developing countries Ecuador has experienced extensive urbanization in the pase twenty-five years as well as a shift in the pattern of rural population change between the 1960s and 1970s. Rural places with difficult access to cities (without roads and located far from cities) gained population during the 1960s but lost population during the 1970s. Rural places with easy access to cities (i.e., located near cities or on all-weather roads) continued to gain population during the 1970s. The explanation for the differential ability of rural places to retain their population during the 1970s focuses on increases in labor circulation by peasants and growth in the numbers of small, urban-oriented manufacturing and agricultural enterprises in accessible rural areas. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for policies to reduce rates of rural-urban migration. Tom Rudel is an associate professor in the Departments of Human Ecology and Sociology at Rutgers University. He recently publishedSituations and Strategies in American Land Use Planning (Cambridge, 1989) and is at work on a study of deforestation and development in the Ecuadorian Amazon. Sam Richards is a graduate student in the Sociology Department at Rutgers University. He is currently carrying out NSF supported dissertation research on the Catholic Church and socioeconomic development in Eduator.     

Inequality,earnings and participation among the poor in rural India

Emphasising that there is a relative dimension to deprivation, an attempt is made here to decompose income inequality among the rural poor into inequality in earnings per worker, in participation rate and covariance of earnings per worker and participation rate. From this decomposition, the effects of (small) changes in inequality in earnings per worker and in participation rate on income inequality are evaluated. The analysis is based on a cross‐section of rural households in 1970–71. The samples of poor cultivating households and poor casual agricultural labour households are analysed separately for each of two regions, based on a classification of villages in terms of technological advancement.     

流动人口中青少年犯罪问题的分析

流动人口中的青少年犯罪是青少年犯罪整体现象的一个特殊组成部分,所以,预防该群体的犯罪问题是不能忽视的。流动人口中的青少年犯罪既具有青少年犯罪的某些共性,同时又具有流动人口犯罪的某些特性,是一定社会阶段各种社会因素作用于该种群体的一种折射。因此,预防流动人口中青少年的犯罪,必须要从流动人口中青少年的特点和犯罪规律着眼,建立以服务、管理、预防为一体的预防犯罪格局。     

近看「花园岛国」——菲律宾

热情、鲜活·魅力四射……走进菲律宾一股勃勃盎然的暖流扑面而来,让你无法不爱上它.这方由7107座形态各异、如翡翠般透亮的礁屿组成的南海岛国,无时无刻不在向世界展示着它的美,它的真实,它的浑然,它的瑰丽.     

The structure of employment and structural adjustment in the Philippines

Growth in the 1970s seemed, at that time, to have brought the Philippines to a rather high equilibrium growth path. But the foreign debt and political crisis in the early and mid‐1980s had brought the economy down to a lower equilibrium path. The recovery years (1987 to 1990) did not prove to be sustainable, given the extreme debt overhang, so that the economy retreated once again to the lower equilibrium path in the early 1990s. Significant debt reduction schemes and the new inflows (remittances of overseas workers and rising foreign investments) allowed a new growth trend. Whether sufficient growth can be maintained in the medium and long term will depend to a large part on uncontrollable external conditions. Significant improvements in trade and industrial policies are needed so that external deficits and imports will finance those sectors that allow for creation of high quality employment. Policy will have to shift resources away from the trade, real estate and other service sectors to strong tradeable manufactures. If the Philippines cannot get out of the boom—bust cycle, labour productivity in the medium and long term will stagnate and the share of those employed in the total labour force will remain stable, leading to stagnating employment opportunities and worsening income distribution.     

Outside the den of dragons: The Philippines and the NICs of Asia

The Phillippines is compared with Taiwan and South Korea on six factors, deemed in the literature to account for the economic success of the “little dragons” of Asia: colonial history, ties to the United States, class structures, state autonomy and efficacy, timing of industrialization, and culture. The theoretical implications of the comparative analysis in the study of development and underdevelopment in the Third World are considered, and the Marcos regime and the Aquino administration are evaluated in the light of the comparative analysis M.D. Litonjua is an assistant professor of sociology at the College of Mount St. Joseph in Cincinnati, Ohio. He is originally from the Philippines where he taught at the Ateneo de Manila University. He holds a Ph.D. in sociology from Brown University. His current interests include religion and social change, capitalism and democracy in Third World countries.     

Estimation of Vulnerability to Poverty Using a Multilevel Longitudinal Model: Evidence from the Philippines

Using the panel data for the Philippines in 2003–2009, we estimate a three-level random coefficient model to measure household vulnerability and to decompose it into idiosyncratic and covariate components. We correct heterogeneity bias using Bell and Jones’s ‘within-between’ formulation. A majority of the poor and 18 per cent of the non-poor are found to be vulnerable to unobservable shocks, while both groups of households are more susceptible to idiosyncratic shocks than to covariate shocks. Adequate safety nets should be provided for vulnerable households that lack access to infrastructure, or are larger in size with more dependents and less-educated heads.     

菲律宾的"异俗游戏"

斗鸡在菲律宾有千年历史,素有"国技"之称,可见其受到喜爱的程度.最近,"斯莱舍杯"世界斗鸡大赛在首都马尼拉举行."斯莱舍大赛"号称世界上规模最大的斗鸡比赛,吸引了数以万计的狂热观众.     

Ashes from the phoenix: state terrorism and the party-list groups in the Philippines

An ongoing theme in Filipino history has been the exclusion of the left from electoral politics. Something that may provide an aperture facilitating left-wing participation are the provisions of the 1987 Constitution providing for the election, based on proportional representation, of representatives from traditionally marginalized sectors of society. Since the implementation of these provisions, six party-list groups have become the visible face of the left in Philippine politics. However, since 2001, the Philippines have experienced a wave of assassinations targeting leftists. These killings, an emulation of the Phoenix Program implemented by the United States in Vietnam, are designed to destroy organizations used as ‘fronts’ by the Communist Party of the Philippines and the progressive party-list groups have been specifically targeted. These killings, and the fear they generate, are an example of state terrorism and, eventually, will prove themselves to be flawed counterinsurgency doctrine because, by precluding left-wing participation in electoral politics, they force the left into armed opposition.     

New rice technology and comparative advantage in rice production in the Philippines

The aim of this study is to assess the comparative advantage in rice production in the Philippines for the past three decades since 1966. We have found that the country gained sharp improvement in comparative advantage in rice production in 1979, when yield rose remarkably due to the diffusion of pest‐ and disease‐resistant modern rice. Beginning in 1986 however, the country appears to have slowly lost its comparative advantage due to the decline in rice prices, stagnation in rice yield and rising cost of domestic factors. By 1990, the country completely lost its comparative advantage in rice production.     

Economic growth and the population explosion: Simulation experiments using a growth model with population endogenous

The purpose of this analysis is to shed some light on the issue of how much economic growth, unaided by population control policies, can bring down fertility and defuse the population explosion in the less developed countries. The paper explores the demographic evolution of an ideal less developed country over a 100 years time span under alternative assumptions concerning capital accumulation, rate of technological progress, and returns to scale. The model used incorporates (a) a population projection matrix with coefficients which are a function of time and of endogenously generated levels of income per capita, and (b) a gross reproduction rate‐GNP per capita function with parameters estimated from a time series of cross sections spanning the period 1860 to 1959. This function was designed to reflect dominant traits of the historical experience concerning the effects of economic growth on fertility in a context characterised by the absence of population control policies.     

把社会主义的理论创新提高到一个新的水平——关于社会主义的再定义问题

党的十一届三中全会以来的历次重要会议,为发展社会主义理论有过一系列的建树,推动了改革开放的逐步深入。当前一些理论和思想障碍仍然存在,需要我们正本清源,根据邓小平关于社会主义的本质论述和中国改革开放的新实践,摆脱传统思想的束缚,不断推进社会主义理论创新和制度创新。     

Estimating the health impact of industry infant food marketing practices in the Philippines

The decline in the prevalence and duration of breast‐feeding in less developed countries and the accompanying increase in bottle feeding is a concern. Little research has been done tracing the links from infant food marketing to infant and child health outcomes. In this study, Philippine mothers’ feeding decisions and infantile diarrhoeal morbidity rates are modelled and jointly estimated using semiparametric estimation methods. The data clearly support the hypothesis that infant feeding practices are important determinants of diarrhoeal morbidity and that breast‐feeding reduces the incidence of diarrhoea. Our results also show that marketing activities have affected infant feeding choices.     

NGO strategies beyond aid: Perspectives from Central and South America and the Philippines

Though unevenly spread, many developing countries are experiencing a decline in aid flows. This paper explores and compares NGDO responses in regions and countries in or entering a 'beyond-aid scenario'. The comparison shows that, despite a diversity of contexts and histories, the quest for self-sustainability has become a common and dominant concern. Within a framework of options, examples show what is being attempted in terms of NGDOs altering their resource profile and the problems they encounter in doing so. Emerging evidence suggests that NGDOs are more likely to sustain themselves if they (a) look beyond finance to adopt an integrated, capacity-based approach to sustainability and internal organisational reform and (b) put effort into making good their 'relational deficit' with a wider array of domestic constituencies.     

History and Institutions in the Rebuilding of Social Capital after Forced Resettlement in the Philippines and Indonesia

Resettlement results in the loss of social capital from which poor households can draw resources for sustenance, survival and wellbeing. While Putnam deems social capital formation as pre-determined by a community’s history of civic engagement, the institutional view argues that social capital is generated through the institutions’ interventions. Utilising a comparative approach involving two resettlement sites, one in the Philippines and one in Indonesia, this article presents findings on the explanatory power of these two perspectives. The Philippine case is greatly influenced by the institutional interventions while the Indonesian case testifies to the validity of the theoretical perspective of Putnam.     

Crafting democratic control of the military in South Korea and the Philippines: the problem of military factions

This article explores how a military's organizational character (cohesion or lack thereof) shapes military officers' attitudes toward new civilian leadership in democratizing South Korea and the Philippines. It suggests that a factionalized military makes civilian control much more difficult and the route to democratic consolidation highly unstable and incomplete for three reasons. First, in the factionalized army, individual officers' allegiance is directed toward their factional leaders, not toward the military as a unified body and the civilian leadership. Second, factionalized military will create ‘monitoring’ and ‘sanctioning’ problems for civilians. Finally, competition among various factions in the military promotes officers' appetite for political domination. The structured-focused analysis of democratization in South Korea and the Philippines clearly sustains the theoretical arguments. The study implies that the institutionalization of civilian control of the military in democratizing nations depends on new leaders' ability/willingness to remove military factions and rebuild the armed forces into a cohesive organ.     

The reformists: Kalahi and the performances of local government officials in Bohol,Philippines

To make sense of the gap between the theory and practice of community-driven development (CDD), development scholars and practitioners have proposed that the success of interventions is relative to the reform-mindedness of local government officials. This article sheds some light on the good governance performances of local government officials as part of the CDD programme Kalahi in the province of Bohol, Philippines. It highlights that locally, mayors who styled themselves as reformists enjoyed heightened power and electoral victories. In parallel, the province experienced a pattern of ‘growth with immiserisation’ and persistent political clientelism wrapped in a discourse of pro-poor development.     

Theory and Practice of Public Administration in the Philippines: Concerns for an Identity Crisis

Abstract

The discipline of public administration in the Philippines has been undergoing its version of an ‘identity crisis’ over the past decade. This crisis has been manifested in four areas: (1) the inordinate influence of mostly American public administration theories and concepts upon Philippines public administration has led Filipino academics in the early to mid-1980s to ask the question ‘is there a Philippine public administration?’; (2) the perceived disconnect between theories of public administration as taught in schools and the realities in the outside world has raised questions of the relevance of the discipline to real world challenges; (3) the continued frustration over the perception that in spite of many public administration and governance reforms, the Philippines continues to be among the more corrupt nations in the region; and (4) the recent fascination of academics in other disciplines, especially economists, that ‘institutions matter’, has led some public administration scholars to argue that their discipline has been arguing precisely the same point since the 1950s.     

Making Land Rights Accessible: Social Movements and Political-Legal Innovation in the Rural Philippines

In recent years, rule of law and legal reform has grown to be a major concern of national governments, international financial institutions, development agencies and donor organisations. Part of this concern has focused on expanding access to justice for the poor. However, little effort has gone into understanding the role of justice sector institutions in shaping the opportunities and limits of redistributive justice. Little attention has been paid to the actual workings of obstacles entrenched within the justice sector to land reform, for example. Instead, pro-market scholars cite difficult legal problems as a reason to turn away from state-led land reform and toward market-oriented land policies. Yet as this paper shows, a closer look at the details of dynamics around land reform in the Philippines suggests that political-legal problems associated with implementation of the agrarian reform law can be overcome under certain conditions. It is argued that for rural poor claimants it is important to have access to a support structure for political-legal mobilisation, particularly an alternative ‘rights-advocacy’ outreach network, and also to adopt an integrated political-legal strategy. An integrated political-legal strategy is one that is capable of activating state agrarian reform law, exploiting independent state actors' pro-reform initiatives, and resisting the legal and extra-legal manoeuvres of anti-reform elites. However, such a strategy appears to have limits as well.