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解析马来西亚的伊斯兰金融系统   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
马来西亚的伊斯兰金融系统是马来西亚现代化模式的一个特色,即体现了它的伊斯兰与现代化相结合的特点.它的产生、发展与国际伊斯兰金融运动和国内伊斯兰复兴运动紧密相联.马来西亚的伊斯兰金融系统是世俗金融系统的一个重要补充.但是,关于这一领域的研究还没有引起学术界的广泛关注.  相似文献   

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文莱是个穆斯林君主制和伊斯兰传统的国家。1984年独立后.政府一直依靠集权统治和至高无上的宗教体系来维持原有的意识形态和价值观。媒介,作为意识形态的一个主要部分,自然也被浸透在伊斯兰君主制的思想中,而且在法律的监护下担负着将伊斯兰思想渗透到社会各个阶层的任务。  相似文献   

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A new form of Islamic populism has evolved in many parts of the Muslim world. Its emergence is part of the more universal phenomenon of populist responses to the contradictions of globalised capitalism. It is also a consequence of the outcomes of Cold War-era social conflicts and of social-structural transformations in Muslim societies over the last half-century. Specifically, it articulates the rising ambitions and growing frustrations of urban middle classes across the Muslim world, the anxieties of growing urban poor populations and relatively peripheralised sections of the bourgeoisie. Thus representing cross-class coalitions, the New Islamic Populism aims to provide access to power and tangible resources to an ummah conceived to be both downtrodden and homogeneous, though in actuality, increasingly differentiated. This is demonstrated through a discussion of Indonesia, Egypt and Turkey. The article is intended to provide an alternative to analyses that have tended to dominate discussions of Islamic politics over the last decade. These include analyses that emphasise radical ideas transmitted by shadowy transnational networks that threaten the global secular order and those that posit a strong relationship between political moderation and democratic practice but tend to overlook the structural underpinnings of Islamic politics.  相似文献   

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东南亚伊斯兰非政府组织的产生、发展及其作用具有正面的积极意义.它分为两类,一类产生于殖民主义时期,与伊斯兰民族主义紧密相联,并在当代东南亚市民社会发挥着第三部门的作用;另一类产生于20世纪80年代末至90年代初,与现代化浪潮相关联,更多地关注穆斯林个人的发展,并在塑造市民社会中扮演着十分重要的角色.在印尼和马来西亚穆斯林人口占绝大多数的国家里,伊斯兰非政府组织在数量和影响上,都强于穆斯林占少数的其他东南亚国家.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Despite attention to Khomeini’s Guardianship of the Jurist (1970) and to Sunni iterations of ma?la?a, there is a dearth of Western scholarship on what Iranian scholars and journalists recognize as indispensable to governance in the Islamic Republic. With a comparative approach to modern perceptions of ma?la?a from inside and outside Iran, this article reveals a new perspective on how the outcome of debates in the earliest years of the Islamic Republic between the parliament and the Guardian Council went against the grain of traditional discussions on reconciling new laws with the sharia’s principles. Using academic literature, Sunni and Shi‘i jurisprudence, and, most significantly, one of Ayatullah Hashemi Rafsanjani’s (d. 2017) final interviews, this article shows that in these debates, Rafsanjani invoked the welfare of the state and national interest using the traditionally legal and limited concept of ma?la?a to justify new laws. Khomeini, on the other hand, re-imagined ma?la?a as necessary for Islamic Republic’s existence. Curiously, Khomeini’s re-imagining bears unexpected parallels with Jacques Derrida’s ‘supplement’, which, unlike ma?la?a, maintained human existence while the latter maintained political existence. Both ma?la?a and the supplement, however, provide a means and explanation for the defence of political and human existence during a real or perceived crisis.  相似文献   

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