共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Leslie S. Lebl Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(1):117-132
The past year saw growing uncertainty about the future of the European Union. Whether it becomes weaker or stronger, and whether it acts as a global partner or competitor, the United States cannot afford to ignore the eu. By understanding the different eu decision-making processes for defense, foreign policy, counterterrorism, and economic issues, the United States can do a better job of advancing its interests in Europe. 相似文献
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Michael Reiterer 《Asia Europe Journal》2006,4(3):333-349
Background Japan and the European Union (Reiterer (2004b) 2:33–42) are both interested in enhancing their international standing in order to overcome their perceived status as economic giants but political dwarfs. While the reasons for this endeavour as well as the inherent characteristics of the actors involved—a traditional nation state as compared to the most advanced integration structure world-wide—are quite different, both entities see themselves primarily as civilian powers (Whitman (2006) 11(1):1–15) without neglecting the need to endow themselves with a military capacity in order to be more effective and credible on a world-wide scale. The ‘EU is emerging as a key regional actor in certain global affairs, particularly in such areas as finance, trade, environment and development, and current policy is directed towards enhancing the role of the European Union in the global governance system. To this end, the European Commission is actively engaged in such issues as the global governance of trade, the protection of human rights, the promotion of democracy, strengthening of regional and global security communities, and encouraging regional integration in other parts of the world.’ (Farrel (2005) 10(4):452–453)—all areas, except the latter task, where the EU and Japan could potentially cooperate closely.Objectives Before identifying shared foreign policy interests between the EU and Japan, I will first bring to light some of the interests the EU has in East Asia in general; secondly I will chart the major Japanese foreign policy interests which will allow me to map out areas of potential common interest and concern.Adjunct Professor for International Politics, University of Innsbruck; Minister and Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Commission to Japan; the author expresses his own views which should not be attributed to the European Commission. The author whishes to recognize the research assistance of Ms. Sachi Claringbould.
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Michael ReitererEmail: |
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Alasdair Blair 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(3):139-158
Despite the burgeoning literature devoted to the European Union, there has been little scholarly attention devoted to the role of EU permanent representations and the degree to which they act as a linkage between member states and EU institutions. This article attempts to address this gap by focusing upon the structures, tasks and activities of permanent representations. 相似文献
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This article examines the organization and development of the Mid-Atlantic European Union Simulation Consortium (MEUSC), with special emphasis on linking theory to practice within its simulation program. The MEUSC program, initiated in 1993, brings fifteen colleges and universities to Washington, D.C., each December for an intercollegiate experiential learning exercise on the European Union. During the simulation, students meet with professional diplomats from both the United States and Europe, and they engage in consensus-building activities that mirror the decision-making processes of the EU Commission, Parliament, Council of Ministers, and the European Council. As a result, participants are able to refine and enhance a range of academic and practical skills that are keys for success in today's political and business worlds. The authors of this article make special use of a survey that was undertaken to gauge the impact of the simulation on its participants and, thus, its success as an educational venture. 相似文献
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Eleanor E. Zeff 《国际研究展望》2003,4(3):265-274
This paper demonstrates the use of an in-class simulation to model negotiations in the European Council. Simulations are an increasingly popular way to teach the complex processes of policymaking and negotiations in the European Union (EU) where institutional procedures are difficult to understand and where intergovernmental and supranational issues often conflict. Advocates of active learning promote simulations to get students more involved and to reach an increasingly diverse student body. The simulation presented here has three separate sessions, each covering a different issue and lasting for a week (two class days) each. Modeling the European Council allows students to experience the intergovernmental side of policy decisions in the European Union while at the same time learning about the issues facing EU policymakers. It is a useful tool for teaching about the EU presidency and a worthwhile exercise for studying the national aspects of European integration. Student surveys indicate that students process the information they gain by role-playing better than information they receive in the traditional classroom. A simulation of the European Council gives students a base for understanding issues of European integration and can serve as a springboard for further study of EU institutions. 相似文献
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Lynn Dobson 《Global Society》2004,18(1):43-60
The European Union's features make it not only distinctive but to some extent qualitatively different from familiar "state'' or " "international association'' models of political organisation. For these reasons, an understanding of its moral role cannot draw with facility on the theories developed for them. The European Union is, nonetheless, a structure of political authority, and as such cannot escape normative imperatives. The problem is how best to conceptualise them. The paper indicates some of the difficulties in assigning duties to EU institutions. Drawing on ideas in the moral philosophy of Alan Gewirth, it sketches a theoretical framework within which moral questions pertaining to the European Union (and perhaps other non-standard political entities) may be addressed. 相似文献
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法德关系一直是欧洲大陆和平与稳定的关键因素.虽然,法德关系在历史上曾一度笼罩在战争的阴影中,但二战后,法德摆脱了历史恩怨,史无前例地选择了和解,为欧盟的最终建立铺平了道路.本文以时间为线索,梳理了法德在欧盟创建过程中的关系脉络.同时,本文在讨论法德关系的基础上,回顾了美国在欧盟创建过程中的作用,并展望了当今跨大西洋关系的前景. 相似文献
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Lin Minwang 《中国国际问题研究》2008,(3):106-118
The problem of democratic deficit has always existed in the European Union (EU). After the end of the Cold War, this problem has become more conspicuous. The EU constitutional crisis in 2005 was virtually brought on by it. How to solve this problem has become a key to the EU's future development. 相似文献
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为了维护在南地中海地区重要的战略和经济利益,欧盟从20世纪90年代中期开始在该地区采取新地中海政策。随着欧盟东扩进程的发展,新地中海政策被纳入"欧洲邻国政策"范围。新地中海政策的实施,扩大了欧盟发展模式对南地中海国家的影响,促进了南地中海国家由计划经济向市场经济的转轨,也促进了政治民主化和法制化、环境保护与经济协调发展和区域经济合作进程,因而对南地中海国家的发展起到一定的推动作用。但由于南地中海国家的国情与欧洲国家迥异,不可能完全照搬欧盟和欧洲国家的发展模式。对于南地中海国家而言,真正的挑战在于如何充分利用欧盟推行南地中海政策所带来的机遇,积极探索符合本国国情的发展道路。 相似文献