Why East Asia overtook Latin America: Agrarian reform,industrialisation and development

Scholars and policy makers have long debated the causes of the spectacular economic success achieved by the East Asian newly industrialising countries ( NICs ) as well as the lessons that other developing countries can learn from this development experience. Latin America started to industrialise many decades before the East Asian NICs and yet was quickly overtaken by them in the last few decades. This article explores the agrarian roots that may explain the different development trajectory and performance of the East Asian NICs, particularly South Korea and Taiwan, and Latin America. The analysis focuses mainly on three interconnected factors in seeking to understand why the East Asian NICs outperformed Latin America: 1) state capacity and policy performance or 'statecraft'; 2) character of agrarian reform and its impact on equity and growth; 3) interactions between agriculture and industry in development strategies.     

东亚秩序重组的特点及其挑战

2010年中国在东亚进入了战略挑战期。2011年挑战深化,形势严峻,其主要标志是美国宣布东亚是美国的战略重点,并在东亚发起了全面攻势和破坏性介入。东亚局势极速变化,秩序重组呈现四大特点:经济特性、权力特性、海洋特性和军事特性。中国只有充分认识东亚秩序演变的新特点、新挑战,调整思维,增强实力,优化战略,真正把战略重点放在东亚,主动创造战略机遇,加大战略运筹力度,强化地区塑造能力,主导机制化进程,解决以中国为核心的经济体系与以美国为核心的安全体系二元分离的倾向,才能推动地区秩序朝着有利于中国的方向发展。     

The malleable homo sovieticus: transnational entrepreneurs in post-communist East Central Europe

This paper investigates the coping strategies of post-1989 East Central European transnational migrant entrepreneurs. Paradoxically, rather than facilitating transfer into the region of liberal-democratic orientations and practices, the incorporation of East Central Europe into late 20th-century consumer capitalism based on short-cycle flexible production in sectors unregulated by legal-institutional frameworks reproduces some of the features of the accustomed homo sovieticus syndrome: in particular, the reliance on the beat-the-system/bend-the-rules orientation on informal/crony patronage and connections, and immediate consumption rather than deferred gratification/investment-oriented capital accumulation renders effective strategies of economic action in the new situation. The effects of so-informed transnational migrant entrepreneurs' activities on the transformation processes in their home-countries are also discussed.     

Transition strategy,corporate exploitation,and state capture: An empirical analysis of the former Soviet states

It is difficult to find, at a glance, a clear connection between corruption and the reform processes in the states of the former Soviet Union (FSU). The key to untangling this issue is to look at the peculiarities of their transition strategies and economic crisis compared with those of Central and East European countries. This paper aims to unravel the complex ties between the transition process and corruption in the FSU states through theoretical and empirical analyses of the impact of multiple factors. These factors include the extent of decentralization of the government–enterprise relationship and the degree of state intervention in corporate management as well as the impact of economic distress that have been affecting the frequency and degree of corporate exploitation and state capture. In this manner, our study aims to complement earlier achievements in this field.     

Manicheism delirium: desire and disavowal in the libidinal economy of an emerging economy

This paper explores the motivations behind the outward foreign direct investment (ofdi) decisions in the past decade of an East Asian government-linked corporation (glc), the largest company of its kind in the world in terms of sectoral specialisation. This glc has travelled far from its origins as an agent of European imperialism to its current controversial role spearheading postcolonial extra-territorialisation strategies. I argue that financial predation is the synechdoche for territorialisation in the new imperialism. Consequently emerging economies pre-empt the financial siege by embarking on ofdi strategies themselves to create economic buffer territory. I construct a psychoanalytical framework for examining how anxiety is acted out in the global economy. I apply concepts of the traumatic moment, anxiety and the defence mechanisms of disavowal, splitting, introjection and projection to analyse the glc’s investments as territorial displacements of the libidinal economy.     

Does public participation matter? Inclusive growth in East Asia

Inclusiveness in economic development has lately emerged as a critical factor for development. This paper adopts an analytical concept of inclusive growth to evaluate East Asia’s economic success. It contests the Western conceptualization of the critical role of public participation in development, and argues that it has played a limited role in terms of inclusive growth in East Asia. Several factors have influenced the outcome of research in this area including the choice of methodology adopted, the challenge of defining and measuring inclusive growth, and the unclear mode and impact of public participation in the process.     

Environmental advocacy: insights from East Asia

Environmental advocacy in East Asia takes place in a context where there are few well-funded professional advocacy organizations, no viable green parties, and governments that are highly pro-business. In this advocacy-hostile environment, what strategies are environmental organizations using to promote better environmental outcomes? Using an original database of environmental organizations and interviews with activists and officials throughout the region, this paper investigates which strategies are most common, and compares them to the advocacy strategies found in the United States. It finds, perhaps surprisingly, that (a) environmental organizations across East Asia employ similar advocacy strategies, even though they are operating in very different political conditions, and (b) the strategies most favoured in East Asia are also the strategies most often utilized in the United States. It then argues that new theories of advocacy should be developed to pay closer attention to certain actors (academics and artists), and particular processes (organizational networking, government collaboration, and culture-making), that appear to play important roles in advocacy in countries around the world, irrespective of political context.     

State policy and industrial promotion in Taiwan: an interrupted time series analysis, 1956-1994

Over the past decade, the statist perspective has been popular in interpreting the economic success of the East Asian countries. Proponents of this perspective discredit the neoclassical view that market forces alone were the most important dynamic behind these economic achievements. Instead, they credit the state as the key factor of East Asian economic success. This study employs an interrupted time series analysis to examine the validity of the statist perspective on Taiwan's industrial promotion policy. The results suggest that the government of Taiwan has been successful in upgrading the island's industrial structure. This finding supports the statist perspective on development. It does not, however, deny the utility of the neoclassical view since market forces also contributed to the growth of Taiwan's industrial structure.     

Asymmetric alliances and high polarity: evaluating regional security complexes in the Middle East and Horn of Africa

Abstract

The Middle East and the Horn of Africa exist in two distinct regional security complexes (RSCs), groupings of states exhibiting intense security interdependence within a distinct region, but rarely between regions. Recent geopolitical changes and related analyses, however, point to either a subsuming or a joining of the two RSCs, potentially leading to a high degree of uncertainty in two conflict-prone regions. Given the importance of such developments, we question this theory of RSC expansion by offering a concise review of recent security interactions between the two RSCs as well as quantitatively and qualitatively measuring the material power capabilities of relevant states. Borrowing from and contributing to RSC theory, we also identify and analyse concepts and indicators such as threat perception and sub-regional alliances. Our findings demonstrate the Middle East RSC is not expanding to include that of the Horn of Africa. The two remain distinct and under internal consolidation, despite the current discourse. Rather, high polarity in the Middle East coupled with often-congruent interests in Horn of Africa states best explains the current pattern of their interaction, particularly as Middle East states pursue strategies that further their own security interests at the expense of rival states within their own RSC.     

Neo-liberalism and East Asia: Resisting the Washington Consensus

This article examines current debates over the future direction of the reform agenda in post-crisis East Asia and sets them in the broader context of the global debate on the role of ideas and ideology in shaping economic policy-making. It argues that the contest of ideas in economic policy-making can evolve independently of their intellectual merit and empirical credibility and political interests play an important role. In the case of post-crisis East Asia, re-igniting the 'economic miracle' of the pre-crisis era does not stem from a politically neutral, dispassionate and intellectually rigorous analysis of what went wrong in the recession-inducing 1997 financial crisis that engulfed the region. It represents an attempt to reinvent orthodoxy in the domain of economic ideas and ideology by the global policy community that is in turn influenced by US-centric institutions.     

ASEAN and evolving power relations in East Asia: strategies and constraints

This article seeks to examine constraints and challenges that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states are confronted with in formulating and implementing their strategies in response to evolving regional environments represented by the rise of China. It argues that China's southern neighbours have adopted purposeful strategies in order to mitigate potentially negative effects from China's growing capabilities in East Asia. These strategies led to the expansion of membership in the East Asia Summit (EAS) and positive involvement in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement, encouraging America's substantial commitments to the Asia-Pacific. However, ASEAN has failed to form the unified front on the EAS and TPP because its members have adopted diverse stances on and policies towards the two institutions. Moreover, an identity issue constitutes a crucial impediment to promoting cooperation between ASEAN members and the USA. While Washington has intensified diplomatic linkages with ASEAN, the US identity shown in its adherence to the results-oriented approach still provokes some concerns among the ASEAN members.     

Political structures and financial liberalization in pre-crisis East Asia

East Asian economies differed dramatically in their vulnerability to the financial shocks of 1997–98. In the current literature on the Asian crisis, one key factor commonly adduced to explain the uneven crises is different national approaches to liberalizing the financial market. While extant analyses have yielded important insights into the correlation between divergent liberalization patterns and uneven crises, they have failed to deal with the crucial question of why East Asian economies diverged in their respective paths to financial market liberalization. To account for differences in liberalization approaches, this article develops an institutional explanation of financial policy choices. It posits that variations in liberalization patterns stem from fundamental differences in the organizational structures of the private sector, the bureaucracy, and the party system that shape the economic interests and political behavior of social groups and state agencies in the policy-making process. In making this argument, the article focuses on Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Thailand, the four major East Asian economies that pursued different liberalization strategies during the 1980s and 1990s and had contrasting performance in the recent financial crisis. It argues that cross-national differences in the above-mentioned domestic political structures within the four economies are the primary sources of their divergent liberalization approaches and outcomes, which, in turn, impacted financial stability to differing degrees and generated varying abilities to withstand external shocks. The author thanks Benjamin Cohen, Stephan Haggard, Otto Holman, Geoffrey Underhill, and anonymous SCID reviewers for their helpul comments on earlier drafts. Generous financial support from the Amsterdam School for Social Science Research and the Netherlands Fellowship Program is gratefully acknowledged. The usual disclaimers apply. Xiaoke Zhang is research fellow in the Amsterdam School for Social Science Research and the Department of Political Science at the University of Amsterdam. He is the author ofThe Changing Politics of Finance in Korea and Thailand (Routledge, 2002) and the co-editor ofInternational Financial Governance under Stress (Cambridge University Press 2003).     

The Geopolitics of Water in the Middle East: fantasies and realities

Most expert and public discourse on Middle Eastern water politics holds that water scarcities are of great, if often under-recognised, geopolitical importance. Pessimists and optimists alike tend to assume that water has, or soon will have, profound geopolitical implications. In this paper I argue to the contrary. Specifically, I contend that water problems should neither be understood in naturalistic nor in liberal?–?technical terms, but instead as questions of political economy; that water is structurally insignificant within the political economy of the modern Middle East; that in consequence water is generally unimportant as a source of inter-state conflict and co-operation; and that, notwithstanding this, water supplies are a crucial site and cause of local conflicts in many parts of the region. I submit also that given the worsening state of economic development within the Middle East, these local conflict dynamics are likely to further deteriorate.     

State disintegration and power politics in post-Suharto Indonesia

This article illustrates how discourses on ‘state fragility’ have been instrumentalised by the Indonesian military in order to consolidate its political and economic power after the fall of Suharto. In the wake of Indonesia’s transition to democracy violent conflicts escalated in East Timor, Aceh, Papua, the Moluccas and Sulawesi. Most notably East Timor’s successful secession spawned fears over the potential ‘balkanisation’ of Indonesia. In this context the Indonesian military, which had been shunned for its involvement in Suharto’s New Order, managed to re-establish itself as the ‘guardian of the nation’. Based on fieldwork in Indonesia, the article describes how post-9/11 discourses over a potential break-up of Indonesia were used by the Indonesian military to reconsolidate its power in the post-Suharto era. The research findings illustrate that, against the looming threat of state disintegration, attempts to revoke the military’s prerogatives have either failed or have been aborted during the planning stages.     

The Political Economy of Crisis Management in East–Central European Countries

The financial and economic crisis in the Central and East European countries raised the profile of economic policy themes that relate to the role of taxation and state spending. The key policy differences related to public budgets and support for a demand stimulus. Responses fall broadly into two categories that we link to a social-democratic and a neo-liberal response. The distinction indicates that the policy responses were linked to the party affiliation of the government on the left–right spectrum. There were some remarkable common trends that cannot be explained by the logical requirements of the economic situation alone. There are differences in timing and in severity, but every country has at some point moved towards a policy of balancing the budget by making cuts. In all cases there were cuts in benefits for marginal groups in society and a switch towards indirect rather than direct taxes. These carry clear distributional implications.     

Productivity growth of East Asia economies' manufacturing: A decomposition analysis

Applying a stochastic production frontier to sector-level data within manufacturing, this paper examines total factor productivity (TFP) growth for seven East Asian economies during 1963–98, using both single country and cross-country regressions. The analysis focuses on the trend in technological progress (TP) and technical efficiency change (TEC), and the role of productivity change in economic growth. The empirical results reveal that although input factor accumulation is still the main source for East Asian economies' growth, TFP growth is accounting for an increasing and important proportion of output growth, among which the improved TEC plays a crucial role in productivity growth.     

Deported before experiencing the good sides of migration: Ethiopians returning from Saudi Arabia

ABSTRACT

In the period November 2013–April 2014 more than 160,000 Ethiopians were deported from Saudi Arabia after a seven months amnesty period for undocumented migrants came to an end. This large-scale regularization campaign of the Saudi government must be seen in light of the ‘Arab Spring’, when popular uprisings in the Middle East were threatening dictatorial regimes. The effect of the Arab Spring was felt globally; the uprisings impacted upon migrants living in countries in the Middle East and on their countries of origin. This paper looks into the experiences of Ethiopian deportees prior, during and after their forced return. We argue that the fact that the migrants were not prepared for their sudden return affected their economic, social network and psychosocial embeddedness back in Ethiopia. In addition, the Ethiopian government has not been able to improve the returnees’ economic embeddedness, which has affected their social and psychological status negatively.     

Discussion: Building the Developmental State: Achieving Economic Growth Through Co-operative Solutions: A Comment on Bringing Politics Back I

Drawing on the insights of game theory and East Asian experience, this short note argues the importance of co-operative solutions in achieving economic development. To realise these, even genuine developmental states must convince a sceptical private sector of their commitment to economic development. Because of this, credibility should be added to the mix of ingredients necessary for a successful developmental state.     

Exploring the three varieties of East Asia's state-guided development model: Korea,Singapore, and Taiwan

In the postwar era, the East Asian state-guided development model has worked well to create successive economic miracles in the region. However, the enduring variances of the individual economies in East Asia still remain. This article explores the empirical diversities hidden behind the intra-regional commonalities. In particular, on the “growthstability-equity” spectrum, the East Asian development paradigm could be sub-divided into three categories: South Korea's “growth-obsessed” pattern (G); Singapore's “growth-with-stability” model (G-S); and Taiwan's “equity-and-stability-based growth” model (G-S-E). Largely derived from the deliberate political choice of a particular strategic path, each model of East Asia has materialized on the basis of strong developmentalist states. However, unlike the multi-goal options (G-S/G-S-E), as in Singapore and Taiwan, the mono-goal options ((G), as in Korea, could gain the chosen objective at considerable cost to the neglected dimensions. As a result, given a set of necessary political conditions, the multi-goal options are a better choice for Third World policy practitioners than are the mono-goal options.     

东亚生产网络中的两岸产业合作

两岸产业合作目前的形态与模式形成的根本原因,除了两岸间密切的经贸关系外,更是由两岸共同处于的东亚生产网络所驱动的。在全球金融危机之后,两岸间产业合作开始共同面对亚太区域经济整合、全球价值链重新布局的外部压力,同时由于两岸经济实力和比较优势的变迁,两岸间产业开始逐渐由互补走向竞争。当外部与内部经济环境同时发生变化时,两岸产业合作的传统模式面临挑战和选择。