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1.
2009年的政治学研究,对传统论题的关注度要远大于对当前西方政治学界盛行论题的关注,说明中国政治学者的研究正处在理性回归途中.全年政治学研究的主题主要集中于国家理论、民主政治、政治思潮、学科发展、政治学方法论五个方面.  相似文献   

2.
2008年的政治学研究颇有回归之势.传统的主题得以繁荣和深化.前几年一度盛行的新兴主题暂时沉寂.全年政治学研究的主题主要集中于国家理论、政党研究、民主问题、政治思潮和学科建设五个方面.  相似文献   

3.
2011年的政治学研究主要集中于国家与公民理论、民主理论、政治思想、政体理论、政治学学科和方法论五个方面.对政治学方法论研究的特别关注是今年政治学研究中的一个特点,这显示了学者们对政治学学科身份的逐步自觉.  相似文献   

4.
2014年的政治学研究主要集中于国家理论、民主理论、政治哲学、学科建设与方法论四个方面。受党的"十八大"以来强调国家治理问题的推动,本年度的政治学研究特别关注了对国家治理体系和治理能力现代化问题的研究。  相似文献   

5.
前些年,不少学者热衷于介绍和研究西方昙花一现的政治理论,自去年以来,这种追风的现象已经趋冷。2010年的政治学研究主要关注了国家理论、政党理论、政治思潮、民主问题、政治学学科和方法论。由此可以看出,中国的政治学研究进一步向传统的研究主题回归,进一步趋向理性。  相似文献   

6.
2005年政治学界对政治学的相关问题都进行了大量的研究,取得了一大批成果,研究呈现出欣欣向荣的局面。由于研究涉及面广,方方面面不可能都一一罗列,因此,本文围绕其中几个重要问题进行综述:国家的政治基础与和谐社会的构建逻辑问题,自治政治与权利政治问题,渐进改革和民主发展问题,政治学的研究范式与功能定位问题,有效政府的规制与权能问题,世界政治背景下的治理与现代国家建设问题,等做了简要回顾。  相似文献   

7.
2007年政治学研究的主题主要集中在六个方面,即一般民主与协商民主问题、制度主义与制度变迁问题、政治哲学与政治思潮问题、政党理论与政党制度问题、政治发展与治理问题、政治学学科及其方法论问题.  相似文献   

8.
民族政治学是一门以民族政治生活和政治现象为研究对象的政治学分支学科.作为一门学科的民族政治学并不是自然"生长"出来的,而是主动"创造"的产物.近年来国内学界主要从三个方面不断丰富着民族政治学的学科内涵与意义:学科基本范式的构建;解释范式下具体研究范畴的深入挖掘;现实民族政治焦点问题的探讨.目前,民族政治学研究领域与深度都有了极大突破,为民族政治学的学科发展提供了良好的基础,也日益彰显其学科的解释力与生命力.不过,民族政治学的研究者仍需回应因形势变换所出现的新的民族问题而提出的新挑战.  相似文献   

9.
民族政治学是一门以民族政治生活和政治现象为研究对象的政治学分支学科.作为一门学科的民族政治学并不是自然"生长"出来的,而是主动"创造"的产物.近年来国内学界主要从三个方面不断丰富着民族政治学的学科内涵与意义:学科基本范式的构建;解释范式下具体研究范畴的深入挖掘;现实民族政治焦点问题的探讨.目前,民族政治学研究领域与深度都有了极大突破,为民族政治学的学科发展提供了良好的基础,也日益彰显其学科的解释力与生命力.不过,民族政治学的研究者仍需回应因形势变换所出现的新的民族问题而提出的新挑战.  相似文献   

10.
高翔 《政治学研究》2020,(2):116-119
2019年11月9日,由中国社会科学院政治学研究所主办、浙江大学公共管理学院承办的“《政治学研究》编委会2019年年会”在杭州召开。在本次会议上,《政治学研究》编委、《政治学研究》编辑部专家学者,围绕当代中国国家治理体系与治理能力现代化进程中的政治学学科发展、中国政治学的学术共同体建构,以及《政治学研究》的建设与发展问题展开了深入讨论,取得了广泛共识。  相似文献   

11.
本文着重从村民自治研究、乡村治理研究、农村权力研究、少数民族农村政治研究四个领域,对近十年我国农村政治研究状况作了系统梳理.  相似文献   

12.
While research has provided evidence that culture and institutional performance shape individual level trust in political institutions, scholars have neglected to adequately estimate the effect of political institutions and macroeconomic conditions on trust. Using data from the World Value Surveys for eleven Latin American cases, we test if countries with “partyizing” electoral systems - those with rules that encourage voters to hold the party, not individuals, accountable for government performance - experience lower levels of distrust in political parties and the legislature in times of poor economic conditions than those countries with “personalizing” electoral rules. Our analysis shows that the macro political and economic context largely conditions the impact of culture and institutional performance on political trust.  相似文献   

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The application of quantitative international political and foreign policy research to real decision-making and forecasting problems has been quietly progressing over the past ten years. However, this quest for relevance has not been targeted at the highest policy-making levels; rather the applications have occurred at the middle- and low-level policy support and analysis levels. Specifically, applied analysts have profiled crisis management problem areas, developed a computer-based early warning and monitoring system, developed and applied several Bayesian forecasting techniques, and developed a computer-based crisis management decision aid which have all been used to solve specific analytical problems within the U.S. Department of Defense. Nearly all of the applied research is interdisciplinary. All is problem-oriented, and a great deal is computer-based. In all likelihood the number of applications will increase as the complexity of international and foreign affairs increases. The national security decision- and policy-making analytical process will thus become more pluralized and, because of the computer-based nature of much of the research, more accelerated and concentrated. Thusfar the impact can be said to be positive; the future will enlarge or shrink the role of applied quantitative analysis in response to how beneficial such analyses actually are to real national security problems.  相似文献   

15.
Case-based reasoning (CBR) is an active area of research within artificial intelligence that emphasizes the function of memory in problem-solving. It proceeds from the premise that people cope with new problems or situations by reusing the strategies that have proved effective in similar situations in the past. Rather than deduction or the application of rules, the basic inferential process is that of recognition. Because the reasoning characteristic of politics is largely of this type, we suggest that the concepts and formalisms developed within this branch of artificial intelligence can be usefully applied to the study of political institutions and political behavior. But we argue, critically, that if CBR is to be applied to politics, it must be generalized to accommodate multiple agents who act repeatedly in multiple tasks. We outline what these extensions to CBR would involve, using the history of liability in tort law as a worked example.  相似文献   

16.
The judiciary in Belgium is an independent branch of government and has succeeded in maintaining its independence against many odds. Not being bound by any particular method of inter‐pretion and able to control to a certain extent the machinery of government, the judges have been, whenever needed, cautiously innovative. The public is certainly not hostile, as far as such innovations are concerned. Constitutional law, morals, human rights and particularly economic law have been the areas in which judges have been most willing or compelled to take creative steps. Because these individual decisions are drafted as applications of existing general principles and statutes and largely reflect the prevailing views of society, very little criticism has been voiced about this hidden and cautious legal activism.  相似文献   

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18.
This article examines the political dimensions of Uganda's progress in bringing a generalised HIV/AIDS epidemic under control. The article documents the history of the political processes involved in Uganda's battle against HIV/AIDS and analyses the complexities of presidential action and the relation between action at the level of the state and that taken within societal organisations. By the mid‐1980s, Uganda was experiencing a full‐blown epidemic, the virulence of which was connected with social dislocation and insecurity related to economic crisis and war. Political authorities faced the same challenge as other regimes experiencing the onslaught of AIDS in Africa. The epidemiological characteristics of HIV and AIDS—transmission through heterosexual activities, with a long gestation period, affecting people in the prime of their productive life—meant that action required wide‐reaching changes in sexual behaviour, and the educational activities to achieve this, as well as relatively complex systems to monitor the virus and control medical practices (blood supplies, injection practices, mitigating drug delivery). The centralist character of the Museveni regime was crucial not only to mobilising state organisations and foreign aid resources, but also to ensuring significant involvement from non‐state associations and religious authorities. The Ugandan experience demonstrates that there is a tension between the requirements for systematic action that a strong public authority can deliver and the need to disseminate information requiring a degree of democratic openness. The President was able to forge a coalition behind an HIV/AIDS campaign in part because the virus largely ignored the privileges of wealth and political power. With the development of antiretroviral therapy and the access that the wealthy can gain to these drugs, this basis for the broadest possible coalition to fight HIV/AIDS may be weakened in the future. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

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