Labor union strength and human development in East Asia and Latin America

Ordinary least squares multiple regression is used to test the impact of labor movement strength on growth, income distribution, and premature mortality in sixteen East Asian and Latin American countries. Labor movement strength is measured by a new index based on information from the International Labour Organisation. Controlling for other relevant variables, the Labor Strength Index is found to have a weak positive effect on growth, a weak negative effect on income equality and on infant survival and life expectancy levels, and a strong negative effect on infant survival and life expectancy progress. One reason for the negative overall effect of labor strength on human development may be that unions, together with actors representing better-off urban groups, often induce governments to enact urbanbiased and formal sector-biased policies that contribute to the neglect or impoverishment of the rural poor and shanty-town dwellers. James W. McGuire is associate professor in the Department of Government, Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT, 06459. He is the author ofPeronism Without Perón (Stanford University Press, 1997) and of articles on parties, unions, and strikes in Argentina; transitions from authoritarianism in Latin America; and development in East Asia and Latin America.     

More Rights,Less Power: Labor Standards and Labor Markets in East European Post-communist States

This paper examines changes in labor markets and labor rights for 13 post-communist states of East Central Europe and the Former Soviet Union. It focuses on the simultaneous pressures to increase the flexibility of labor markets and improve labor standards in the years since the collapse of communism. Comparative measures and patterns of both de jure and de facto standards and flexibility are presented, and the roles of key institutional promoters of change are analyzed. I find that a combination of democratic regime type and European Union accession has pulled East European states toward the strengthening of collective labor rights. The effect is strongest on the states that joined the EU in 2004, weaker for those joining in 2007, while the three post-Soviet, non-accession states remain significantly more labor-repressive. Labor market flexibilization has been a more uniform trend in the post-communist region. In the context of this project’s inter-regional comparisons, contemporary Eastern Europe has the strongest labor rights. At the same time, the decline of trade unions and limits of collective bargaining in most post-communist states undermine the effectiveness of transposed EU legislation and bargaining institutions in empowering labor. As shown by the exceptional case of Slovenia, strong unions are necessary to fully enforce rights.     

Labor Migration and the Philippine Labor Market

Abstract

Based on recorded data, the Philippines has experienced the largest outflow in Asia of both permanent emigrants and migrant labor over the last three to four decades. The number working and living abroad has reached almost 8% of the population and the yearly outflow of workers bound for an increasingly varied destinations and occupations is about 14% of the labor force. The paper discusses the rising scale and changing structure of migrants and explains these by three interacting factors that make for labor market flexibilityan extensive market-based educational system, active employment service industry and migration's own backward and forward linkages. Further discussed are the economic implications of the migration and some rigidity in the education market that tends to pull down returns to migration.     

东亚峰会与东亚一体化

2005年12月12日-14日,东亚系列会议在马来西亚首都吉隆坡举行.第11届东盟首脑会议、第九次东盟(10 1)领导人会议、第九次东盟与中日韩(10 3)领导人会议和首届东亚峰会(10 6),一场接一场,令东亚国际政治舞台呈现出一派热火朝天的景象.随着首届东亚峰会的召开,在东亚系列会议的基础上,一个公共外交平台已渐显雏形,一种大外交的新气象在亚洲日益昌隆.     

Institutions and growth in East Asia

Institutions have played a central role in political economy explanations of East Asia’s growth, from the developmental state to the micro-institutions of industrial policy. A review of these institutional explanations finds that few if any of the postulated institutional explanations involve either necessary or sufficient conditions for rapid growth. This finding suggests two conclusions. First, there are multiple institutional means for solving the various collective action, credibility, and informational problems that constitute barriers to growth. The search for a single institutional “taproot” of growth is likely to be a misguided exercise, and more attention should be given to understanding the varieties of capitalism in East Asia. Second, institutions are themselves endogenous to other political factors that appear more consequential for growth, including particularly the nature of the relationship between the state and the private sector. Stephan Haggard is the Lawrence and Sallye Krause Professor at the Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego. He is the author ofPathways from the Periphery: The Political Economy of Growth in the Newly Industrializing Countries (1990) andThe Political Economy of the Asian Financial Crisis (2000). He is the co-author (with Robert Kaufman) ofThe Political Economy of Democratic Transitions (1995) and (with David McKendrick and Richard Doner)From Silicon Valley to Singapore: Location and Competitive Advantage in the Hard Disk Drive Industry (2000). Also with Robert Kaufman, he is co-editor ofThe Politics of Economic Adjustment (1992). He is currently working with Robert Kaufman on a project on changing social contracts in East Asia, Latin America, and Central Europe. I am indebted to Tun-Jen Cheng, Rick Doner, Cheng-Tian Kuo, Greg Noble, and Andrew MacIntyre, not only for comments but for extended discussion of these issues over the years.     

Wage Subsidy and Labour Market Flexibility in South Africa

Abstract

We use a general equilibrium model to analyse the employment effects and fiscal cost of a wage subsidy in South Africa. We capture the structural characteristics of the labour market with several labour categories and substitution possibilities, linking the economy-wide results to a micro-simulation model with occupational choice probabilities to investigate the poverty and distributional consequences. The employment impact depends greatly on the elasticities of substitution of factors of production, being very minimal if unskilled and skilled labour are complements in production. The impact is improved by supporting policies, but the gains remain modest if the labour market is rigid.     

Introduction: Brain drain in East Asia

Editor’s Note: In the first issue ofStudies in Comparative International Development under my editorship, I indicated that special issues would be published from time to time. The first of these was volume 25 (spring) 1990, number 1, “On Measuring Democracy,” with Alex Inkeles as guest editor. We present a somewhat different grouping of articles in this issue, edited by Parris Chang. “Brain Drain in East Asia” considers this important contemporary developmental issue along the lines indicated in his introduction, Other thematic topics or groupings of articles are also being considered for future issues of SCID.     

Political structures and financial liberalization in pre-crisis East Asia

East Asian economies differed dramatically in their vulnerability to the financial shocks of 1997–98. In the current literature on the Asian crisis, one key factor commonly adduced to explain the uneven crises is different national approaches to liberalizing the financial market. While extant analyses have yielded important insights into the correlation between divergent liberalization patterns and uneven crises, they have failed to deal with the crucial question of why East Asian economies diverged in their respective paths to financial market liberalization. To account for differences in liberalization approaches, this article develops an institutional explanation of financial policy choices. It posits that variations in liberalization patterns stem from fundamental differences in the organizational structures of the private sector, the bureaucracy, and the party system that shape the economic interests and political behavior of social groups and state agencies in the policy-making process. In making this argument, the article focuses on Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Thailand, the four major East Asian economies that pursued different liberalization strategies during the 1980s and 1990s and had contrasting performance in the recent financial crisis. It argues that cross-national differences in the above-mentioned domestic political structures within the four economies are the primary sources of their divergent liberalization approaches and outcomes, which, in turn, impacted financial stability to differing degrees and generated varying abilities to withstand external shocks. The author thanks Benjamin Cohen, Stephan Haggard, Otto Holman, Geoffrey Underhill, and anonymous SCID reviewers for their helpul comments on earlier drafts. Generous financial support from the Amsterdam School for Social Science Research and the Netherlands Fellowship Program is gratefully acknowledged. The usual disclaimers apply. Xiaoke Zhang is research fellow in the Amsterdam School for Social Science Research and the Department of Political Science at the University of Amsterdam. He is the author ofThe Changing Politics of Finance in Korea and Thailand (Routledge, 2002) and the co-editor ofInternational Financial Governance under Stress (Cambridge University Press 2003).     

东亚崛起进程中的日美关系

21世纪国际关系格局的最大变动将是东方的复兴与崛起以及西方的应对与适应,东西方文明的冲突与融合相交织将谱写一首本世纪“令人心仪”的交响曲,晚了一个世纪到场的中国能否成为这个交响乐团的“领衔演奏者”之一引人关注。东亚的崛起是亚洲复兴的必经之路,其主要标志是中国的复兴与日本的自立。     

“重返亚洲”——奥巴马政府东亚政策评析

奥巴马上台以来,迫于经济状况的不佳和承担义务的压力,美国在全球范围内不断调整战略。与在全球采取收缩战略不同的是,美国在亚洲地区却采取了积极参与的态度,引人关注。“重返亚洲”的口号表明亚洲事务将成为美国对外战略的重中之重。     

The Asian Development Bank and Developmental Regionalism in East Asia

The Asian Development Bank (adb) has made increasingly important contributions to Asia's (and particularly East Asia's) regionalism over recent years, and especially since Haruhiko Kuroda became the Bank's president in February 2005. This paper argues that the adb's role here has become more significant because of the strong ‘developmental’ characteristics of East Asia's new regionalism. This is not least because, as a regional development bank, the adb has a predilection for linking development, regionalism and capacity-building together when promoting regional co-operation and integration (rci) in Asia. We may refer to this as ‘developmental regionalism’, where rci activities are particularly orientated to enhancing the economic capacity and prospects of less developed countries with the view of strengthening their integration into the regional economy, and thereby bringing greater coherence to regional community building overall. This analysis is partly based on field research undertaken by the author involving a series of research interviews conducted amongst adb officials and with outside analysts of the organisation. It first examines the evolution of the Bank's stance and policies on rci, and the impact made by President Kuroda and the newly formed Office of Regional Integration (orei) in this regard. The main developments of East Asia's new regionalism are then outlined from finance and trade perspectives. Thereafter, an evaluation is made of the adb's contributions toward the emerging developmental regionalism in East Asia.     

Environmental advocacy: insights from East Asia

Environmental advocacy in East Asia takes place in a context where there are few well-funded professional advocacy organizations, no viable green parties, and governments that are highly pro-business. In this advocacy-hostile environment, what strategies are environmental organizations using to promote better environmental outcomes? Using an original database of environmental organizations and interviews with activists and officials throughout the region, this paper investigates which strategies are most common, and compares them to the advocacy strategies found in the United States. It finds, perhaps surprisingly, that (a) environmental organizations across East Asia employ similar advocacy strategies, even though they are operating in very different political conditions, and (b) the strategies most favoured in East Asia are also the strategies most often utilized in the United States. It then argues that new theories of advocacy should be developed to pay closer attention to certain actors (academics and artists), and particular processes (organizational networking, government collaboration, and culture-making), that appear to play important roles in advocacy in countries around the world, irrespective of political context.     

境外媒体对东亚领导人系列会议的反应

2009年10月23—25目，第十二次中国与东盟（10＋1）领导人会议、第十二次东盟与中日韩（10＋3）领导人会议和第四届东亚峰会在泰国召开。境外媒体对此给予高度关注，主要反应如下：     

Introduction: East Asia and the Trials of Neo-liberalism

Since economic performance is a key criterion of ‘success’, the Tanzanian socialist experiment is evaluated in terms of the short‐term economic implications of various policies which are ‘socialistic’ in inspiration. The manner and timing of the translation of socialist principles into policy has so far been reasonably cautious and, with the unsurprising exception of the reduced potential contribution to growth from private investment, has not involvea significant costs in terms of growth effects. Some suggestions are offered for improved policies. In particular the pushing of socialist policies beyond the capacity of the available skills to manage them is seen as the greatest future risk both to the success of the socialist experiment and to the growth rate.     

东亚秩序重组的特点及其挑战

2010年中国在东亚进入了战略挑战期。2011年挑战深化,形势严峻,其主要标志是美国宣布东亚是美国的战略重点,并在东亚发起了全面攻势和破坏性介入。东亚局势极速变化,秩序重组呈现四大特点:经济特性、权力特性、海洋特性和军事特性。中国只有充分认识东亚秩序演变的新特点、新挑战,调整思维,增强实力,优化战略,真正把战略重点放在东亚,主动创造战略机遇,加大战略运筹力度,强化地区塑造能力,主导机制化进程,解决以中国为核心的经济体系与以美国为核心的安全体系二元分离的倾向,才能推动地区秩序朝着有利于中国的方向发展。     

中国和平崛起与东亚的未来

中国的和平崛起,是一个至关重要的命题.理解这个命题,需要将历史的视野放得更宽一些.从世界历史发展的角度来看,中国的崛起并不是突然出现的、全新的、暂时的现象,而是一个已经持续了至少160多年的历史进程的最新阶段.中国的崛起将预示着东亚的未来.