NATO Intervention in Yugoslavia: Prelude to 'Perpetual Peace'?

The professed intention of NATO's intervention in Yugoslavia in March 1999 was to defend the human rights of an oppressed minority within a sovereign state. Many left-wing intellectuals claimed that to override national sovereignty was necessary for the salvation of the Kosovars, and that this reflects a new 'Kantian' conception of international relations in the post-Cold-War era, a conception which now remains to be actualized as a 'new international law of world citizens'. This paper seeks to refute these two arguments, that offer a moral interpretation of the war against Yugoslavia, not in order to question the project of 'perpetual peace' in its entirety, but to point out the need to reflect on its broader economic and political conditions, which are very far from being met.     

Continuity or Change?: Intervention and Statebuilding after Kosovo

ABSTRACT

The significance of Kosovo can only be understood by first situating the intervention in 1999 and the subsequent statebuilding process in a historical context. While there is a profound difference between 1999 and today, we should not conclude that this means the practice of humanitarian intervention has gone into decline as a result of waning western power. Decisions on intervention at that juncture, as indeed they are today. I conclude by arguing, however, that the theory and practice of statebuilding, has changed markedly since 1999; expectations as to the capacity of international administrations to transform post-conflict societies have declined markedly.     

Fighting for Liberal Peace in Mali? The Limits of International Military Intervention

The January 2013 French military intervention in Mali exposed the rising threat of ‘terrorist’ and illicit networks in the Sahel, but more importantly the intertwined limits of Malian politics and of the international politics of African conflict management. While much has been written about the ‘liberal peace’, this article argues that what is at stake in this debate is the consistency of the ‘liberal peace’ ideological form and what governance requirements it imposes. Such an ideology necessarily intersects with ongoing Malian peace-, nation- and statebuilding dynamics and competing normative orders that transcend state borders and nationalist projects.     

The Road to Hell? Third‐Party Intervention to Prevent Atrocities

Preventing large‐scale atrocities has emerged as an important policy goal of the post–Cold War period. However, a debate exists about the effects of creating an international institution to prevent atrocities. Advocates of intervention argue that a credible threat to intervene should deter perpetrators and stop atrocities when deterrence fails. Critics argue that third‐party intervention, by strengthening weak minority groups and lowering the cost of war, encourages rebellions and so makes war and atrocities more likely. We develop a model of intervention to analyze this debate. The model shows that the negative effects of intervention highlighted by critics can be mitigated if the third party is relatively neutral and if alternative costs are imposed on decision makers. We conclude that with appropriate institutional design, the net impact of stronger third‐party commitments to end atrocities will be to lower the expected level of atrocities.     

记E.M.福斯特

在剑桥,我进王家学院一点也不偶然。1939年我刚到英国,就结识了王家学院两位文学界杰出人物:汉学家魏礼和小说家福斯特。魏礼不大写信。即便我的书信未在文革中全部失去,他的信我手里也没有几封。面对面,他也总十分腼腆,从不侃侃而谈。他说话一向是探讯对方的意见多于自我表述。福斯特则     

高教质量观念.概念.标准

质量是教育的生命线,对于承担着高级专门人才培养的高等教育来说更是如此。硬件论、多元论、层次类别论、水平级差论、结果论、目标达成论等种种质量观,都忽视了高等教育的核心问题是培养高级专业人才,这一高等教育的主要功能与核心质量,此外,知识技术、社会服务、文化传承等也是现代大学的功能与质量构成要素,这是高等教育中层质量。高等教育系统内所有其他因素都是为了质量实现而提供的保障,保障与质量合并为广义高等教育质量。该定义与质量分层,为质量标准体系的编制和相关的大学分类与功能定位等,提供了逻辑依据与思路。     

G.A.柯亨的社会主义观

自称是社会主义者的柯亨一生的学术主旨和最终指向是探索人人平等的社会主义。他在社会主义的实现方式、社会主义的优越性和实现社会主义的障碍等方面提出了新的观点,并以此为基础,呼吁当代的马克思主义者要在长期稀缺的历史背景下,做艰苦的规范性求证工作,为社会主义的正义性和优越性进行辩护,探索解决在大型社会中实现社会主义的社会组织技术难题,从而最终实现社会主义。     

Reconceptualizing International Intervention: Statebuilding, ‘Organic Processes’ and the Limits of Causal Knowledge

This article examines the transformation in the conceptual understanding of international intervention over the last two decades. It suggests that this conceptual shift can be usefully interrogated through its imbrication within broader epistemological shifts highlighting the limits of causal knowledge claims: heuristically framed in this article in terms of the shift from policy interventions within the problematic of causation to those concerned with the management of effects. In this shift, the means and mechanisms of international intervention have been transformed, no longer focused on the universal application of Western causal knowledge through policy interventions but rather on the effects of specific and unique local and organic processes at work in societies themselves. The focus on effects takes the conceptualization of intervention out of the traditional terminological lexicon of International Relations theory and instead recasts problems in increasingly organic ways, suggesting that artificial or hubristic attempts at socio-political intervention should be excluded or minimized.     

J.S.密尔的代议制民主探究

作为代议制民主理论的集大成者,密尔在其著作《代议制政府》中详细论述了代议制政府的自身构建问题,对于当前无论是资本主义还是社会主义的代议制民主都具有极大的借鉴意义。从密尔代议制民主的优越性,其代议制民主的折衷性,代议制民主的弊端以及代议制民主的基础对密尔的代议制民主理论进行探究。     

Which Way to U.S. Climate Cooperation? Issue Linkage versus a U.S.‐Based Agreement

Several scholars have suggested that the United States can be compelled to reengage in the Kyoto process by linking cooperation on climate change to cooperation on trade or technology research and development. We argue that such issue linkage would likely fail and suggest that a more promising road to U.S. cooperation is to develop an alternative climate agreement based on federal U.S. climate policy. However, the question then becomes whether the Kyoto countries might be prepared to abandon the Kyoto process in favor of such a U.S.‐based agreement. We argue that if a U.S.‐based agreement were to be built on President Bush's current climate policy, the Kyoto countries (especially the European Union) would likely be reluctant to go along. However, if a U.S.‐based agreement were to be built on the many Kyoto‐like initiatives now emerging at state and local levels, the Kyoto countries might well be more favorably inclined.     

Intervention Theatre: performance,authenticity and expert knowledge in politicians’ travel to post-/conflict spaces

ABSTRACT

This article explores the role of official travel activities by politicians to post-/conflict spaces in German foreign policymaking. Starting from the observation that official travel justifications stress the value of authentic insights and unfiltered information, while journeys in practice are meticulously planned and staged, it asks what kind of knowing is possible, how actors make sense of the staged nature of field trips, and how multiple performances create and/or undermine notions of authenticity and first-hand expertise. The article shows that official on-site visits are composed of multiple conscious performances by all actors involved, but that these performances do not undermine the notions of authenticity and expertise. On the contrary, knowledge authenticity—or truth claims on the basis of authentic insights—and related expert authority are produced through travel-as-performance. The emphasis policymakers put on on-site presence and (the performance of) localized knowledge contradicts intervention literature’s generalized finding of a prioritization of technocratic over localized knowledge. The article draws on politics and performance scholarship and authenticity theories in tourism studies to make sense of a wealth of empirical material on the claims, practice and functions of German MPs’ journeys to post-/conflict spaces as part of broader political struggles over policy knowledge.     

Intervention and Statebuilding Beyond the Human: From the ‘Black Box’ to the ‘Great Outdoors’

This article analyses intervention and statebuilding as shifting towards a posthuman discursive regime. It seeks to explore how the shift to ‘bottom-up’ or post-liberal approaches has evolved into a focus upon epistemological barriers to intervention and an appreciation of complexity. It attempts to describe a process of reflection upon intervention as a policy practice, whereby the need to focus on local context and relations – in order to take problems seriously – begins to further undermine confidence in the Western episteme. In other words, the bottom-up approach, rather than resolving the crisis of policy practices of intervention, seems to further intensify it. It is argued that the way out of this crisis seems to be found in the rejection of the aspiration to know from a position of a ‘problem-solving’ external authority and instead to learn from the opportunities opened up through the practices of intervention. However, what is learnt does not seem to be able to fit into traditional modes and categories of expertise.     

E. P. Thompson: Last of the English Radicals?

Historian, activist and campaigner Edward Thompson is seen as an exemplar of an English radicalism which some see as a lineage with which the contemporary Labour party might fruitfully reconnect. This article examines how Thompson himself understood and characterised the ‘English radical idiom’ and traces his use and then abandonment of this idea in the middle years of his career. It offers some wider reflections about what the insights and lessons associated with his historical writings and reflections on the distinctive nature of English cultural and social thought.     

Attribute Affinity: U.S. Natives’ Attitudes Toward Immigrants

Political Behavior - We examine the extent to which relevant social identity traits shared between two individuals—what we term “attribute affinity”—can moderate out-group...     

The new U.S.-China rapprochement： A view from Africa

The U.S. and China recently held a ＂dialogue＂ at the behest of policy makers in Washington for the mutual benefit of their governments and people and ostensibly the rest of humanity as well. Coming at a time of increasing quest for natural resources by many countries including China and Chinese obviously bourgeoning influence in Africa, that Washington decided to engage Beijing certainly, not only betrays U.S. apprehension over the emergence of a strong competitor for Africa＇s resources but also an attempt to whittle down China＇s growing international stature especially on the African continent. While the Chinese will not likely succumb to the U.S., this new found rapprochement between the two will certainly intensify the resource scramble in Africa. Whether the ＂severe＂ interest for African resources will benefit the continent or not depends on how African countries are able to manage the ensuing resource race between the U.S. and China.     

融入超我的恋母情结——D.H.劳伦斯恋母情结新探

长久以来，文学界普遍认为劳伦斯通过《儿子与情人》中的主人公“保罗”这一人物刻画了自己童年期、少年期和青年期独特的心理存在——恋母情结。这一点毋庸置疑。可是，但凡依据弗洛伊德精神分析学理论的评论，绝大多数的论断是其恋母情结归属劳伦斯的本我。本文将通过对《儿子与情人》关键情节与《D．H.劳伦斯：一份私人档案》的剖析，综合运用弗洛伊德精神分析学说多个理论论证其恋母情结应当部分的融入了劳伦斯的超我，并阐释其运作。