Democracy,social capital and school governing bodies in South Africa

Critics of school governing bodies (SGBs) – both on the left and on the right – tend to rely upon arguments that ignore significant portions of the act that created SGBs – the South African Schools Act (SASA) – the exact nature of the changes to SGBs wrought by amendments to the act and the manner in which the courts, in interpreting the act, have both reinforced the autonomy of SGBs at the same time as they have set limits on those powers. The authors’ reading takes seriously all of the provisions of SASA, its amendments and various court constructions of SASA's provisions. This close reading of the South African Constitution, SASA, SASA's amendments and the case law reveals the lineaments of a fourth level of democratic government. Even with their uneven success as a fourth tier of democratic government, SGBs reflect, in many respects, the most important interactions that citizens have with the state. The authors contend that SGBs provide a vehicle for popular political participation that is quite real, and that participation is made no less real by the strictures imposed upon them by South Africa's constitutional and regulatory order. Despite concerns about their lack of capacity, SGBs enjoy popular acceptance and participation across class and language divides. The legal status of SGBs does not merely enhance various forms of local democracy, SGBs also maintain and create effective social networks that generate new stores of social capital. The ability to provide new forms of democratic participation and to create new stores of social capital suggests that SGBs have the makings of a great, new and rather unique ‘South African’ political institution.     

论公共危机与紧急状态的疆界

近年来,随着经济社会的发展和改革的深入,各种社会矛盾逐渐呈现在人们面前,与此同时,各种自然灾害也时有发生。在这种背景下,国家加快了《紧急状态法》的立法进程。作者以为,要取得理想的立法效果,首先就必须正确界定公共危机和紧急状态的疆界,而这正是我们目前所欠缺的。本文正是以此为出发点在分别界定了公共危机和紧急状态的内涵后,从五个方面对公共危机和紧急状态的疆界作一划分。     

法治政府的宪政诉求与宪政途径

法治政府建设是我国人民政治生活中的一件大事，法治政府的终极归宿在于维护民权，保障民生，顺乎民意，法治政府所体现的“民本”思想与完政理念完全契合，宪法作为根本大法对法治政府建设具有支配和指导作用，构建法治政府必须遵循宪法精神，反映完政诉求，在完政的框架之内运行。     

Authorizing state crime in Mexico: the importance of a destructive social milieu

This essay seeks to specify some of the social–psychological determinants that led to the mobilization of deadly state crime in the Latin American authoritarian state context. The Mexican case provides an interesting case in which to specify some of these determinants because hundreds of leftist political party militants, often engaged in legal activities, have been gunned down by state agents (the police, the military, local politicians associated with the dominant party-state) or indirectly by hired guns on behalf of state leaders Schatz. S. (Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, 23:255–295, 2001). I argue, in the Mexican case, the leadership authorization of destructive behavior was the critical activating historical condition activating deadly state crime because it created a permissive social milieu that allows for the utilization of more extreme forms of violence including the use of political assassination as a mode of social control. This permissive social milieu was, of course, aided by a passive legal system that generated the almost complete lack of penalties for state-sanctioned brutality. While none of these determinants alone may be sufficient to produce a wave of political–electoral homicides, when they all combine, it makes such destructive behavior very likely to occur.     

Drug testing and social control: Implications for state theory

A new War on Drugs became the rallying cry during the 1986 Congressional elections. One of the major components of this war was the call for mandatory drug testing of workers. We argue that drug testing has more to do with power than with genuine efforts at reducing the consumption of illicit drugs and then proceed to analyze this expansion of power by capitalists and state managers. Contrary to Block's version of state theory, the power of capitalists and state managers expanded simultaneously. We thus conclude by calling for a partial modification of his model.     

Ontario court recognizes constitutional equality rights of people "in receipt of social assistance"

On 13 May 2002, the Ontario Court of Appeal released its unanimous decision in the Falkiner case, which declared the definition of "spouse" in Ontario's social assistance legislation to be unconstitutional because it discriminates on the basis of sex, marital status, and receipt of social assistance. The case is significant for people living with HIV/AIDS, given that a high proportion live on social assistance and thus face discrimination.     

The normative foundation of social science in law revisited: A reply to melton

Conclusion The primary thrust of Melton's argument is that opposition by organized psychology to the Bork nomination would have been consistent with the jurisprudential philosophy on which social science in law, as a scholarly movement, is based (p. 317). If APA is to justify opposition to Bork or future Supreme Court nominations (e.g., Souter), there should be a clearly identified normative foundation that directly leads to such advocacy. A stance based partly upon scholarship thatimplies reverence for constitutional values and partly upon preambles and principles of an ethical code is too slender a reed from which to cast APA's institutional support for a Supreme Court candidate. When such a stance is adopted, APA unfortunately becomes one of an increasing number of organizations attempting to influence political decisions by claiming allegiance to values consistent with democracy.Advocacy based on a normative foundation of social science in law jurisprudence could be justified by APA if, and only if, (a) there is an identifiable SSL jurisprudence, (b) there is consensus on the values underlying such a jurisprudence, and (c) adherence to these values argues against the nomination of Bork or others (e.g., Souter) to the Supreme Court. Because these conditions currently cannot be met, organized opposition to Supreme Court nominations cannot be justified on a normative foundation of SSL jurisprudence.Editor's Note: This issue marks the introduction of theComments section. Readers are invited to submit brief comments on articles published in this journal.     

社会结构调整：调适国家与社会关系的现实根源

本文认为.社会结构的基本层面是国家与社会,国家与社会的关系问题是社会结构现实问题的集中体现.在此基础上,分析并评估了改革开放以来中国社会结构的现状,提出了具有现实可操作性的对策,即构建和谐的国家与社会关系.     

中国紧急状态法的立法状况及特征

本文侧重对我国目前紧急状态法的立法现状、内容和特征进行了比较全面地分析 ,并在结合国外法治国家紧急状态法律制度建设的经验基础之上 ,提出要统一我国的紧急状态法律制度 ,特别是应当制定统一的紧急状态法来代替目前分散立法的状况 ,此外 ,还应当建立统一的应急机构来保证政府在紧急状态时期能够依法行使行政紧急权力 ,防止公民的宪法和法律权利因为实施紧急状态而受到政府紧急权力不必要的侵犯。     

Devastation in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina as a state crime: social audience reactions

In the 5 years since Hurricane Katrina struck the Gulf Coast, scholars in many disciplines have speculated on the sources of the widespread devastation. While many of these studies have focused on objective evidence of the violation of human rights following Hurricane Katrina, this study reviews the human rights violations and goes a step further by examining social audience reactions (both victims and the general public) to the government’s response efforts. Relying on Green and Ward’s (Green 2009; Green and Ward Social Justice, 27, 101–115, 2000; 2004) human rights/organizational deviance definition, which sees state crime as human rights violations that result from state organizational deviance, we attempt to provide further evidence of this case as one of state crime. This article presents results from binary logistic regression analyses that assess the likelihood of respondents disapproving of the actions of officials from various levels of government after the hurricane using data from a survey of Hurricane Katrina evacuees completed by The Washington Post/Kaiser Family Foundation/Harvard University (The Washington Post/Kaiser Family Foundation/Harvard University 2005) in the weeks after the storm, and data from a special topics ABC News/Washington Post public opinion survey completed in September of 2005 (ABC News/The Washington Post 2006). Key findings in this study include a strong similarity of results across data sets for race, sex, and religion with regards to respondents disapproving responses to the storm devastation at the federal level. A clear majority of respondents in both data sets disapproved of the actions of some level of government, further implying negative audience reactions, and thus the need to recognize the government’s response to Hurricane Katrina as a state crime.     

论社会保障制度的政治道德基础——分配正义

社会保障制度不仅是人类消极地适应工业化时代经济和社会问题的产物,它还有着深厚的政治道德基础.本文从分配正义的角度揭示了社会保障制度的规范意义,阐明了分配正义原则的理论内涵,介绍了西方分配正义原则的当代争论,并从分配正义角度对我国社会保障制度的建设进行了理论思索.