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1.
The new Principal Officials Accountability System (POAS), a proto-ministerial system, was established at the start of the Second Term of Office of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). This paper examines the setting-up of the POAS and reviews how it has functioned during its first year of life. Both the design and implementation of the POAS were characterized by undue haste. The establishing of the POAS intensified the debate on a range of matters as new ministers, senior civil servants and residents have come to terms with the detail of this novel arrangement. Discussions about political reform are set to intensify in the years to come. This article reviews the origins and deeper need for the POAS in Hong Kong before looking at the fundamentals of the new system. The nature of ‘accountability’ is then discussed prior to examining Hong Kong's experience with the POAS in action during its first year. The article also discusses the potential of the POAS to contribute to Hong Kong's overall political development.  相似文献   

2.
香港警务研究思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
积极借鉴发达国家、地区警务经验,有助于超前分析、研究、解决我国在改革开放和经济发展进程中社会治安出现的新情况、新问题。文章从探析香港警队建设发展历史进程入手,概述了香港警队的基本情况,分析了香港警务的基本特点,研究了香港警察教育训练的基本经验。学习、研究、思考、借鉴香港特区先进的警务理念、成功的警务经验,对于加强内地公安队伍正规化建设、提升战斗力、应对严峻社会治安形势的挑战,具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

3.
孙晓晖 《桂海论丛》2007,23(6):16-19
香港的政党政治是伴随着港英时期政治体制改革而逐步形成的,并以中国恢复对香港行使主权为时间界限分为萌芽雏形和发展稳定两个阶段。政党政治在香港发挥了重要的政治功能,并对香港的政治生活产生了深远的政治影响。新世纪新阶段,“一国两制”条件下,香港政党政治只有坚持在符合香港实际的基础上循序渐进,发挥优势,避免不利因素的影响,才能获得更好的发展。  相似文献   

4.
香港的政党演进与政治发展之间存在着密切的关系.一方面,香港的政治发展为政党演进提供必要条件;另一方面,香港的政党演进推进了政治发展.此外,香港的政党演进与政治发展存在契合性.  相似文献   

5.
The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDM) is a cross-border political interest group advocating for democratization in both mainland China and Hong Kong. It was involved in the bold rescue of mainland democrats out of the PRC shortly after the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown; it constantly exerts pressure on the PRC government to release its political prisoners; it has been influencing the Hong Kong government on the scope and pace of democratization; it communicates with and subsidizes overseas Chinese groups supportive of democratic reforms in China; it is persistently educating the younger generations of Hong Kong and most importantly mainland visitors to Hong Kong on the 1989 Tiananmen tragedy; and its supporters have attempted to cross the border of Hong Kong to Macao to influence the policy of the Chinese government toward political prisoners. As a political interest group based in Hong Kong with cross-border influences on both the mainland and Macao, the Alliance has been making full use of the available political space and freedom of assembly in Hong Kong to achieve their ultimate objective of having a ‘democratic China’. Its existence in the HKSAR is an indication of a certain degree of political tolerance by both the Hong Kong government and Beijing, which have to be very careful of the need to maintain an image of the feasible formula of ‘one country, two systems’ in Hong Kong.  相似文献   

6.
This article examines the patterns and changes in public perceptions of domestic income inequality in Hong Kong in the past two decades and explains individual variations in these perceptions. It found that the perceived seriousness of income disparities had been persistently high, while the perceived unjustness of income disparities showed a fluctuating trend. Our findings lent partial support to the structural position thesis that the privileged groups are less likely than the underprivileged groups to consider existing income disparities to be serious and unjust. Nonetheless, the popular understanding of poverty is still biased towards ‘individual’ explanations, and this perhaps explains why the government is less willing to tackle the economic and political foundations of poverty in Hong Kong.  相似文献   

7.
香港日军慰安所调查记   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
编者按 :日本法西斯作为东方的战争魁首 ,在第二次世界大战期间 ,其铁蹄所至 ,犯下的罪恶罄竹难书。下面刊发的日军在香港强征慰安妇、设立慰安所的调查报告 ,即是一例。第二次世界大战期间 ,日军侵占香港近4年 ,这是香港历史上最苦难的一页。如同日军在各地的暴行一样 ,他们在香港也实施了血腥的军队性奴隶———慰安妇制度。尽管这场战争已经过去了半个多世纪 ,但这一史实仍鲜为人知。 1999年年底 ,笔者乘在香港中文大学访问的机会 ,对这一问题作了初步的调查。1941年 12月 8日 ,日本偷袭珍珠港 ,发动太平洋战争 ;同日 ,日军也向香港这个…  相似文献   

8.
香港毒品犯罪调查的证据运用--与香港缉毒警察的对话   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
香港警察根据当时环境确认嫌疑人拥有毒品,<危险药物条例>中允许推定,参加办案警察要出庭作证,并采用污点证人制度.  相似文献   

9.
At midnight of June 30, 1997 the Union Jack and the Hong Kong colonial flag over the Hong Kong Conference and Exhibition Center were lowered; at zero hour of July 1, the Chinese national flag and HKSAR regional flag were hoisted. Chris Patten, last governor of Hong Kong, shed tears, saying that night "marked the end of a historical era." Many Hong Kong inhabitants also wept; it was the moment that Hong Kong had awaited for 156 years.Shigekazu Sato, the consul-general of Japan in Hong Kong, recalls how pessimistic the international community was about Hong Kong's future. Many thought that it would lose its dynamism in the process of returning to the motherland. Ten years later, the US Heritage Foundation awarded Hong Kong top spot in its 2007 freedom of trade, freedom of investment, freedom of finance and protection of property rights indexes, and named it number one in its economy freedom index for the 13th successive year.  相似文献   

10.
我国港澳台地区在有关财产申报的具体制度设计上既有共同之处,又各有特色,体现了三个地区根据各自的需要,对预防贪腐与保护公职人员隐私权的不同考量,对大陆地区完善财产申报制度具有重要的  相似文献   

11.
HENRY Law, executive director of the Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited (HKEx), remembers clearly Western predictions of the "death of Hong Kong" and fears that the mainland had "bitten off more than it could chew" of a decade ago. Hong Kong has undoubtedly experienced a dramatic, yet triumphant, decade. When the Bank of China and the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China were listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange in 2006, foreign investors bought more than 90 percent of their shares. "All capital flows into where there is profit. If Hong Kong is doomed, how is it that capital flows in?" Henry Law logically points out, concluding, "The development of Hong Kong over the past decade has changed Western and world mentality."  相似文献   

12.
This article contains an examination of the way in which the largely British model of professional comprehensive housing management became important in Hong Kong. It shows how a comparatively small number of pioneers, mainly women who were followers of the principles of Octavia Hill, a philanthropic social reformer who developed her ideas in 19th century London, had a considerable influence in the very different environment of Hong Kong. An examination of the comparatively small amount of literature on the housing management profession is followed by a detailed analysis of the way in which the housing management profession has developed in Hong Kong. A review of the origin of public housing programmes in Hong Kong highlights the influence which housing professionals had when the housing administration was radically restructured at the time of the formation of the Hong Kong Housing Authority in the early 1970s.  相似文献   

13.
Yue Ren 《当代中国》1997,6(16):449-460
This study analyzes NGOs’ influence in Hong Kong's political, social, and economic life. It addresses three questions. Firstly, what are their major roles and how effectively can they play them in society? Secondly, how active are these organizations? Finally, how confident are the NGO leaders about their organizations’ future? Based on a telephone survey conducted in August 1996, it finds that NGOs in Hong Kong are characterized not only by common functions but also some unique ones created by the territory's special status. In general, Hong Kong's NGOs are fairly active, which has little to do with the specialization, financial resources, and geographical foci of the organizations. Despite Beijing's explicit guarantee of the freedom of NGO activities, this study reveals that a clear majority of the NGO leaders expressed doubts about their organizations’ future.  相似文献   

14.
Kaisa Oksanen 《当代中国》2011,20(70):479-497
This article examines the discourses of democracy in the context of political development in Hong Kong during the first 12 years after the 1997 handover using rhetoric and frame analysis. Overall, the study shows how political actors define political options and promote development, which is favourable to their interests and views, through framing democracy in different ways. The study reveals the frames that describe different points of view, and contributes to the understanding of democrats' position as re-framers. The found frames are clustered into paradigmatic framesets that deal with the concrete democracy issue and the political situation in present-day Hong Kong. Consequently, the democracy debate in Hong Kong is organised around two opposite and idealised templates for democracy. The first cluster forms the pro-establishment model, which suggests solutions built around consensus and practical means. The second frameset, mostly used by the pro-democrats, supports the idea of a wider democratic change which entails broad normative changes in politics.  相似文献   

15.
福田区是深圳市中心城区,区委区政府在大力发展经济的同时,将文化事业作为一项长期的精神文明建设工程来抓.2002年以来,以创建全省、全国文化先进区为载体,贯彻"让先进文化走进社区,贴近百姓,融入生活,提升环境"的理念,为人民群众建设"一公里文化圈",建立和完善公共文化服务体系,较好地实现了人民群众的文化权利.  相似文献   

16.
This paper seeks to examine the integration of the evolving bond markets in the Chinese Mainland (CM) and Hong Kong (HK). To tap the international pool of capital, the CM government and CM enterprises have issued foreign currency bonds in HK and other developed markets. Since 1998 offshore CM bonds offered to the public have not been denominated in HK dollars probably because of concerns over the stability of HK's linked exchange rate and the differential credit ratings of the two economies. Even though HK has become increasingly well equipped to handle the clearing, settlement and custody of local and foreign currency bonds across its borders, it needs to continue to lobby for and attract CM government and corporate issues of foreign currency bonds (and Rmb bonds, if this were to be permitted) if it is to establish itself as a regional bond centre in Asia.  相似文献   

17.
维护和促进人权与建设和谐世界   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
陈士球 《人权》2007,6(2):32-34
建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界,是世界各国人民的共同愿望,也是人类社会进步的必然要求。建设和谐世界需要具备许多必不可少的条件,遵守国际人权法,维护和促进人权即是其中之一。  相似文献   

18.
在香港政制架构内,行政长官非政党背景的规定,使任何政党都不能获取最高行政权。香港政党无论是处于履行监督政府职责的考虑,还是应付选举的需要,都需要与政府唱对台戏,但为了反对而反对显然缺乏理性。香港政府与支持性政党之间需要加强联系,双方相互依赖的互动会造就香港特色的政党政府。  相似文献   

19.
20.
当代中国公共服务伦理:价值、失范与重构   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
公共服务伦理对于我国现阶段的服务型政府建设具有重要的时代价值,但当前我国公共管理实践中存在的公共服务伦理失范现象,严重制约着公共服务质量的提高,应该从制度建设与个体美德建设的双重维度着手,探求重构公共服务伦理的可能路径。  相似文献   

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