Indigenous languages and Africa's development dilemma

Most African states like The Gambia use European languages for state activities and formal education. Africa has been a global pilot site for “transplanted” development initiatives with apparently consistent outcomes: failure, medium triumph, or unsustainable “success stories”. Its natural resources have been fully exploited, perhaps at the expense of resources like mother-tongue languages. Sidelining mother-tongue languages as the medium for the translation of the voice of the state, explains the gap in cultural relevance of many borrowed development initiatives, but also the neglect of workable endogenous practices. Africa must look inwards and exploit its indigenous language assets to benefit sustained development.     

非洲昏睡病历史研究

昏睡病是自远古以来就肆虐于非洲大陆的热带传染病,严重阻碍了非洲农业、畜牧业和交通运输业的发展,极大地影响了非洲历史的演进。本文概述了非洲社会控制自然生态系统以阻止昏睡病传播、蔓延的社会机制,并评析了殖民主义对非洲生态系统的影响,指出殖民主义入侵引发的巨大震荡和冲击破坏了非洲人抵御昏睡病威胁的社会机制,造成空前的生态灾难,导致了昏睡病的大规模爆发与流行。     

非洲的国际战略地位稳步提升

近年来,随着非洲形势的逐步好转和经济的快速发展,其在国际上的战略地位得到稳步提升,成了国际社会的"香饽饽".在即将过去的一年中,美国、俄罗斯、印度、日本、土耳其、欧盟等都采取一系列密切同非洲关系的重大举措,中国与非洲的新型战略伙伴关系也取得了新的进展.     

南非对外贸易简论

外贸在南非经济发展中占有重要地位。本文总结了南非的外贸特征,分析了影响南非外贸的有利因素和不利因素,论述了南中贸易之间具有很强的互补性,指出中国加速发展与南非经贸关系是必要的和可行的。     

南非高等教育发展简况

南非是非洲经济最发达国家,也是该地区高等教育发达国家之一.本文分阶段回顾了南非高等教育发展的历史轨迹,并以两所著名大学为例剖析了南非高校的体制和特点.     

African philanthropy,pan-Africanism,and Africa's development

Reflective and theoretical, this article explores the foundations and principles of African philanthropy and juxtaposes them with pan-African-led development. It pays particular attention to new continental initiatives, such as Agenda 2063. It points out that African philanthropy, by its definition and practice, is the foundation for development. This is because the identity of an African is premised on philanthropic notions of solidarity, interconnectedness, interdependencies, reciprocity, mutuality, and a continuum of relationships. No one embodies these better than Nelson Mandela in his demonstration of the link that exists between pan-Africanism and African philanthropy in the development process.     

外援在非洲经济发展中的作用

由于历史和现实的原因,外部援助在非洲经济发展中占有重要地位.在非洲国家独立后,外部援助的数量逐步增加,1990年代后虽出现下降,但仍保持相当的规模.因此,外部援助在非洲国家的国民生产总值中占有较大的比重.由于非洲国家缺乏对外部援助的整体思考和有效协调,由于援助方与非洲政府、当地居民之间缺少沟通,对非洲的援助工作尚存在一些不尽人意之处.但是,外部援助毕竟给非洲带来了资金和技术,因此在不同程度上推动了非洲国家的经济发展.     

The eclipse of consociationalism in South Africa's Democratic Transition

This article considers the failure of consociationalism ‐ claimed by its proponents to be the best form of democracy for countries characterized by ethnic cleavages ‐ to provide any plausible solution to the dilemmas that faced political elites in South Africa as they exited from apartheid and moved towards majoritarian democracy. The basic argument here is that consociationalism's one‐dimensional approach to ethnic politics depleted the model of any pragmatic utility, especially when it became evident that the ethnic equation in South Africa was more fluid than the consociational model had entertained.     

20世纪90年代联合国与非洲经济社会发展

加强国际合作,促进经济与社会发展是联合国的主要职责之一.近年来,非洲经济与社会发展问题的严重性和迫切性使其成为联合国工作的优先事项.联合国为此制定了《1990年代联合国非洲发展新议程》等一系列行动纲领和计划,并加以实施,取得了可喜成就.联合国促进非洲发展的活动具有多领域、多层次、综合性等特点.论坛机制、协调机制、发展援助机制构筑起联合国促进非洲发展活动的主体框架.但是,联合国促进非洲发展的活动也受到了不少因素的制约,影响到有关活动的深化和拓展.在进入新世纪后,非洲的发展问题更需要国际社会来普遍关注,联合国作为世界上最重要的国际组织,有责任有义务在这一方面发挥更为积极的作用.     

Separating the Sheep from the Goats among Africa's Separatist Movements

Currently at least 12 separatist/secessionist movements are engaged in negotiations or campaigns of violence (guerrilla and regular armed conflict) in Africa. But though they are agreed on the need for radical constitutional change, they are not agreed on the solutions. More than that, they rarely maintain a unity of aim within their ranks at any given moment of time, or a consistency of aim over time. It is these shifting political objectives and the nature of the calculations behind them that this article intends to examine. At every stage of the conflict the movements' leaders have to assess the advantages of a secessionist policy as opposed to a separatist (or re-negotiated unitary state) policy. This article finds that among the most crucial factors to be weighed are popular support, state response, international recognition, and personal opportunities. There are important consequences of this shifting of political objectives. It makes typologies based on their political objectives and/or methods of limited value; political support problematic; attempts by governments to induce separatist leaders to defect or compromise worthwhile; and certain elements in the population of the homeland more vulnerable. This is the biggest hindrance to successful separatist movements.     

Introduction: South Africa's multiple languages in a shifting media environment

Abstract

The global South, as the collective for the peripheries of mainstream development is known, is often regarded as merely a beneficiary of Northern-borne notions in the field of organisational communication. The problem is that the Southern context and circumstance do not always mirror those of the North, meaning that these dominant, revered theories are not necessarily applicable. One Southern context is that of the South African mining and construction industries, which is seen as notoriously dangerous, plagued by various obstacles to internal organisational communication (such as illiteracy and diversity), and what Le Roux and Naudé (2009, 29) refer to as ‘historical baggage’. The research question of this article is whether congenital Northern communication theories can be adequately incorporated into the unique global South, in order to fulfil the important task of communicating safety information to employees. The article explores the appropriate implementation of the principles of the excellence theory, the stakeholder theory as well as the relationship management theory, and the research methodology includes interviews, focus groups and quantitative questionnaires at two organisations. The result of the empirical research is the amalgamation and reworking of these theories’ principles into a model for internal safety communication applicable to the South.     

Between Vengeance and Forgiveness: South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission

Citizens of South Africa are confronting a painful past through the new nation's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, or TRC, which thus far has heard thousands of reports (many televised) about murders, torture, and other human rights abuses that took place during the apartheid era. South Africa's TRC is grounded in a constitutional commitment to the African concept of ubuntu, or humaneness. Amnesty is available on a conditional basis to alleged perpetrators. The author assesses the potential restorative power of truth-telling; the significance of sympathetic witnesses; and the tasks of both perpetrators and bystanders in the TRC process. Aspirations for justice are considered along with restoring dignity to victims, offering a basis for individual healing, and promoting reconciliation of a divided society.     

面临重大转折的中日关系

进入新世纪以后,中日两国间在经贸交流日趋活跃的同时,政治关系持续僵冷,各种对立与摩擦有逐渐增多的趋势。从深层次看,这是两国在综合国力对比发生重大变化后相互调整心态和重新定位过程中不可避免的现象。日本的新生代政治家在所谓“超越战后”的意识支配下,表现出强烈的对外强硬姿态。而美国强化日美同盟,提升日本在亚太地区军事作用,也加剧了日本的外交失衡,促使日本当权者有恃无恐地对周边邻国特别是中国摆出一副可以说“不”的姿态。阻止中日关系大幅度滑坡,尽快地使两国关系走上顺利发展的轨道,是现阶段中国对外关系中一项具有重大战略意义的紧迫课题。     

中国公司进入非洲建筑市场的分析:安哥拉案例

安哥拉现已经成为中国在非洲国家中主要的贸易伙伴之一,也是中国石油行业对境外直接投资的目的地之一.基于此,2006年7月,南非斯坦陵布什大学中国研究中心(Centre for Chinese Studies,Stellenbosch University)开展了一项关于中国援助安哥拉基础设施建设的调究项目.该项目由英国国际发展部(DFID)资助,调研对象包括安哥拉在内的4个非洲国家.本文即为2006年9月上交给国际发展部有关安哥拉部分的报告摘要.     

Opposition Parties and the Voters in South Africa's General Election of 1999

Variance in partisan choice among South African voters can be predicted on the basis of what is known about the way voters see economic trends, evaluate government performance, perceive political parties, and rate party leaders. However, in this analysis it is demonstrated that factors related to racial divisions shape and filter how voters perceive political performance, and to some extent lead different voters to emphasize different performance criteria. But race does not affect the way voters make decisions. Thus, South Africa's opposition parties are weak not because black voters, the overwhelming majority of the electorate, operate with a decision-making apparatus that emphasizes unity over performance or is hostile to pluralism and opposition. Rather, support for the African National Congress can be accounted for first, by positive ratings of its performance in government and second, by the fact that those black voters dissatisfied with the performance of the African National Congress (ANC) do not see a legitimate alternative among the existing opposition parties.