Foreign Policy Implications of Chinese Nationalism Revisited: the strident turn

This paper revisits the debate about foreign policy implications of Chinese nationalism in the context of China's increasingly confrontational and assertive behavior in recent years. It argues that while the Chinese government made effective efforts to control popular nationalism and Chinese foreign policy was therefore not dictated by emotional nationalistic rhetoric before 2008, it has become more willing to follow the popular nationalist calls to take a confrontational position against the Western powers and to adopt tougher measures in maritime territorial disputes with its neighbors. This strident turn is partially because the government is increasingly responsive to public opinion, but more importantly because of the convergence of Chinese state nationalism and popular nationalism calling for a more muscular Chinese foreign policy. Enjoying an inflated sense of empowerment supported by its new quotient of wealth and military capacities, and terrified of an uncertain future due to increasing social, economic and political tensions at home, the communist state has become more willing to play to the popular nationalist gallery in pursuing the so-called core national interests. These developments have complicated China's diplomacy, creating a heated political environment to harden China's foreign policy.     

Informed Nationalism: military websites in Chinese cyberspace

This article focuses on the so-called ‘military websites’ in Chinese cyberspace to examine the complexity of contemporary Chinese nationalism. By pointing out the fact that the majority of members of military websites are well educated and well informed, yet nationalistic and anti-Western, the author argues that the key factor in shaping their nationalist thinking is the formation of a new interest-driven game-playing paradigm in the past two decades which the Chinese use to interpret national policies and international relations today. Ironically, much of the new interpretative framework has been borrowed from Western concepts and ideas, including Comprehensive National Power, National Interests, and Rules of the Game. Equipped with this new paradigm to interpret the received information and look at the world, the more informed Chinese are the more nationalist they may be, as demonstrated by the responses to the plane bugging incident by Chinese net surfers.     

海外学者论当代中国民族主义

上个世纪80年代末90年代初以来,当代中国民族主义已经成为中国思想界一个广泛、长久和相当重要的讨论议题,学者们为此进行孜孜不倦的探讨,在有关民族主义的定义、当代中国民族主义兴起的原因、特点和发展前景等问题上的研究获得诸多进展,从而有助于我们了解和认识当代中国民族主义。但是,现有的文献似乎忽视了对海外学者在当代中国民族主义问题上所取得的成果进行介绍和评论。本文立足于海外学者们的著述,旨在评介海外学者对当代中国民族主义的研究状况,目的是更深入地分析和理解存在于当代中国这样一种无法回避的重要现象。     

New Migrants and the Revival of Overseas Chinese Nationalism

Emerging at the turn of the twentieth century, overseas Chinese nationalism played an important part in the evolution of the overseas Chinese community and modern history of China. It is generally held that overseas Chinese nationalism had died out and had become ‘a historical phenomenon’ by the 1950s, when the China-centered allegiance of the overseas Chinese was replaced by a local-oriented identity. The fundamental change of the Chinese diasporic communities over the last two decades, however, has put this conventional wisdom into contestation. This essay is concerned with the emergence of the xin yinmin (new migrants) and corresponding manifestations of a reviving overseas Chinese nationalism since 1980. It is divided into two main parts. The first is empirical, examining the rise and characteristics of the new migrants, who are composed of four main types: students-turned-migrants, emigrating professionals, chain migrants, and illegal immigrants. The second section is conceptual and comparative, looking at the manifestations and limitations of the reviving overseas Chinese nationalism and placing them in a historical perspective. It also considers the embedded tensions between nationalism and transnationalism and the strategies employed by both the Chinese state and new migrants in tackling these tensions. I argue that there are complex reasons behind the re-emergence of overseas Chinese nationalism. From overseas, it is a by-product of the formation of sizeable new migrant communities, particularly in the West. As the first-generation immigrants who have extensive links with the homeland, they remain culturally, and often, politically, attached to China (as a nation-state and/or site of transnational imaginary) and are concerned greatly with Chinese matters. Through such intermediaries as Chinese-language newspapers, websites and TV programs, they form a borderless and imagined greater China that is bound by both the ideas of sovereignty and transnational culture. From the mainland, a series of policies relating to the Chinese overseas facilitate the connections between China and its population overseas, thus providing a potential ground for the revival of overseas Chinese nationalism. I argue that the key agendas of this reviving overseas Chinese nationalism are China's economic prosperity, cultural regeneration, and national unification. This nationalism, furthermore, is characterized by its reactive nature and embedded contradictions with the simultaneous process of transnationalism, which in turn reduces the centrality and intensity of nationalism. As a result, it is unlikely to constitute a unified ideology or a movement with centralized leadership such as that in the 1930s.     

Nationalism,Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy

This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism.     

梁启超与中国近代民族主义理论研究

戊戌变法失败流亡日本后,深受西方民族主义思想影响的梁启超,开始从新的角度来研究思考中国的民族问题,较为科学地阐释了“民族”、“中华民族”、“民族主义”的内涵,提出了富有中国特色的民族建国原则与模式,把人的改造同新国家的建设联系起来规划中国社会的发展。就其理论与实践的深度和广度而言,堪称同时代人的最高水平,在近代中国民族理论发展史上具有重要的奠基意义。     

Chinese Nationalism and its Political and Social Origins

Using the 2008 China Survey, this paper examines Chinese respondents' feelings toward their country and how such feelings are related to their democratic values. First, it compares Chinese nationalism with that of 35 countries and regions in the 2003 National Identity Survey. Second, it looks at the origins of Chinese nationalism as embedded in the social and political characteristics of individuals. Third, it further examines the impact of nationalism on people's political attitudes. The findings show that nationalism in contemporary China is better predicted by the political and economic characteristics of an individual rather than cultural attributes, and that nationalism serves as a powerful instrument in impeding public demand for democratic change.     

History,Chinese Nationalism and the Emerging Sino–Japanese Conflict

Anti-Japanese popular nationalism is rising high in China today. Little evidence to date proves that it is officially orchestrated. Nonetheless, Chinese popular nationalism still has deep roots in the state's history propaganda which has implanted pernicious myths in the national collective memory. Fueling mistrust and exacerbating a mutual threat perception, popular nationalism could be a catalyst for future Sino–Japanese conflict over the Taiwan problem, island disputes, and maritime resource competition. The increasingly liberalized but often biased Chinese media, the role of nationalist sub-elites, and the government's accommodation have all contributed to the strength of anti-Japanese nationalism, which cannot be mitigated by bilateral economic interdependence. To rid bilateral relations of the negative historical legacy, the two countries need the vision and determination to remove nationalistic myths and promote a shared history through mutual critique and self-reflection in transnational historians' dialogues.     

Between Marxism and Nationalism: Chinese historiography and the Soviet influence, 1949-1963

The Chinese practice of Marxist historical writing represents a dynamic interaction between nationalism and transnationalism. On the one hand, Chinese Marxists were attracted to the Soviet experience in applying Marxism to historical study, especially during the 1950s and the early 1960s, for the latter provided a seemingly much needed theoretical guidance. On the other hand, they attempted to circumscribe the Soviet influence in order to strike a balance between history and theory, the foreign and the indigenous, and the national and the transnational. In so doing, they turned their practice of Marxism into an interpretive, hermeneutic process, in which the temporal distance between the Marxist text and China's historical experience became recognized.     

Glorious Memories of Imperial China and the Rise of Chinese Populist Nationalism

This article examines the emergence of distorted memories of Imperial China. Through popular online sites and media, populist nationalists have obtained exaggerated yet extremely sensational knowledge of Chinese history, which portrays Imperial China as benevolent, strong and more advanced than the western world. Based on these distorted memories, they blame all diplomatic controversies on other countries—western nations for their imperialist exploitation and especially neighboring countries for their ungratefulness to the Chinese empire. Due to the declining appeal of communism, as well as the corruption and isolation of official academia, the Chinese government is under heavy pressure to follow the distorted memory and restore China's historical glory.     

民族主义作为帝国主义侵凌的产物——陈映真的“民族主义”观

与所谓理性的或经济的民族主义类型不同,陈映真秉持的是反帝的民族主义.资本主义世界体系形成过程造成包括中国在内的第三世界的贫穷落后以及第三世界反抗新、旧殖民主义的历史,是其产生的主要原因.对外反帝和对内争取贫弱阶级权益双重任务的叠加是其特点之一.台独思潮的膨胀是陈映真坚持反帝的民族主义的一个最重要理由,因台独的根源之一在于世界冷战结构及其意识形态,只有反帝才能从根本上解决台独的问题.     

难民危机中的欧洲华人:民粹性民族主义的视角

2015年夏以来,深受战乱、贫穷困扰的中东、北非难民大量前往欧洲,形成二战以来最严重的一次难民潮。随着难民危机的加深,欧洲各国出现民粹性民族主义复兴的势头,并对欧洲华人产生一定的冲击。总体而言,欧洲华人的文化素质和社会地位偏低,其受到民粹性民族主义的冲击往往较其他族群更为严重。为此,欧洲华人展开积极应对,并同情和帮助难民。随着难民危机的缓解,欧洲华人的处境有所改善,但如何整合力量共同行动将是他们能否在民粹性民族主义浪潮中保障自身权益的关键。     

国际关系民主化的民族主义视角分析

冷战后世界范围的民族主义新浪潮,造成许多国家和地区一度政局动荡、经济衰退乃至文化保守,给国际社会带来了诸多负面影响.然而,民族主义具有多重功能.它的再度兴起和演变客观上也推动了复杂多变的国际关系朝着正常化的方向发展:民族国家的增生冲破了沙文主义牢笼,有利于改善长期扭曲的民族关系,民族生机得以复活;国际合作关系的建立引领时代潮流,成为促进国际关系正常化的重要推动力量;各民族国家重新审视国家利益原则,更加重视自身的全面发展.     

从国家主义到以人为本

马克思的＂人学理念＂是马克思主义学说的核心思想,我国在以马克思主义理论为指导思想进行社会主义现代化建设时,经历了从＂国家主义＂到＂以人为本＂的观念体系的过渡。本文旨在通过对这种转变的研究和分析,阐述马克思人本思想的重要性以及对我国现阶段社会主义事业发展的意义。     

国民性话语:一个民族主义的视角

民族主义理论的民主原则是国民性话语的逻辑前提,同时,民族主义的国民性话语历史实践也具有普遍性。本文从理论与历史两方面讨论国民性话语的民族主义特征,揭示了国民性话语与民族国家的同构关系。民族主义构成了晚清的国民性话语的历史背景与重要动力,从国民性话语的实践特征看,可以说是民族主义的自我实践。     

从民族主义到国际主义--第二次国共合作的基石

日本帝国主义侵略中国,对中华民族和世界人民的生存和发展形成严重威胁。为炎黄子孙的共同民族利益——抗击日寇,中国共产党调整政策将阶级利益至于民族利益之下,中国国民党则顺应时势与民心、在正面战场抗击日军,中间派别奋起救亡图存,实现了全民族团结抗战的局面,并推动世界反法西斯统一战线的建立和发展。抗日民族统一战线在世界反法西斯战争中写下了光辉篇章。     

Nationalism,Civilization and Transnational Relations: the discourse of Greater China

This essay examines the interplay between nationalism and foreign policy in China—but with a twist. It seeks to loosen up analytical categories to expand from cultural nationalism to see how civilization constructs identity in national and transnational ways. It examines the limits of Chinese trans/nationalism according to the main Chinese expression of inside/outside—‘civilization/barbarism’—as it constructs Chinese nationalism and Greater China. The purpose is to both critically examine Chinese nationalism and to trace what our focus on the nation-state obscures: namely, transnational politics. Rather than recounting one master narrative of Chinese nationalism, the essay argues that civilization and barbarian define Greater China according to four narratives—nativism, conquest, conversion and diaspora. Hence, the essay does not merely deconstruct the notion of Greater China and Chinese nationalism, but shows how these four grids of meaning can help us to understand identity politics and foreign policy debates in China. Nationalism thus turns from being the Answer about the true intent of China, to being a series of questions which define different terrains of political inquiry.     

“台湾文化民族主义”的建构

现在文化交流已经成为两岸交流的重要组成部分,许多人认为两岸文化相同,通过交流必定可以增强文化认同,而对文化交流存在的困难和问题没有足够的认识.本文通过对几十年来台湾建构“文化民族主义”的考察,说明企图把台湾文化与中国文化切割开来,建构台湾文化主体性是无法成功的,但台湾在“去中国化”方面已经取得一定的成效,这对两岸文化认同造成很大障碍.     

催化与嬗变:民族主义与晚清政府的衰亡

晚清政府的衰亡是多种历史因素和多种历史力量合力作用的结果.本文以新知识分子、士绅和革命党人三个社会群体为代表,通过分析民族主义对他们的思想观念和社会行为方式的影响,折射出民族主义在清政府衰亡过程中的作用和影响.