Criminal responsibility for two consecutive crimes

Criminal legally responsible for responsibility in Israel his crimes unless the is defined in terms of polarity： all or nothing. An individual is court has determined that he is exculpated from criminal responsibility; there is no diminished criminal responsibility. The authors present a unique case where two expert psychiatrists determined that the accused was culpable for the first crime, rape, but was exculpated from criminal responsibility for the second crime, stabbing, which was committed immediately thereafter. As per the court approved plea bargain, the accused was charged only with rape, and was sentenced to incarceration in the psychiatric ward of the prison. The social significance of the expert psychiatric opinion and the court ruling will be examined in this paper.     

Public support for vigilantism: an experimental study

Objectives

To empirically examine the absolute and relative impact of situational characteristics and confidence in the criminal justice system on public support for vigilantism.

Methods

In an experimental study with a between-subjects design, members of a Dutch household panel (n = 1,930) responded to vignettes about vigilantism that were varied across two experimental factors: (1) type of precipitating crime and (2) type of formal sentence for the precipitating offender. In the measurement of support, we distinguished between outrage at vigilantism, empathy with the vigilante, and desired punishment for the vigilante. Confidence was assessed 1?month later.

Results

Our findings show that situational characteristics have a substantial and independent influence on support for vigilantism, in addition to the role of confidence. This means that when citizens express support for those who take the law into their own hands, this is not necessarily rooted in a lack of confidence in the criminal justice system. Furthermore, all three measures of support were affected more by the situational characteristics than by confidence.

Conclusions

Citizens are nuanced in their judgment of vigilantism and sensitive to contextual information, which is in line with other recent findings regarding public punitiveness. Future studies should assess whether the findings can be generalized to other settings where citizens cannot rely (as much) on the state to deal with crime.     

Public support for the courts: An examination of alternative explanations

Public opinion surveys consistently show that there are generally high levels of support for the court system. While there exists general public support for the courts, the most often heard criticism is that the courts are too lenient. The purpose of this study is to describe public attitudes toward the courts and examine a number of explanations of public support for, or against, the courts. The article examines five hypotheses: (1) respondents who are pro-punishment would not be supportive of the courts; (2) respondents who are supportive of the police and the correctional system would be supportive of the courts; (3) respondents who are supportive of the police would not be supportive of the courts; (4) respondents who identify themselves as conservative would not be supportive of the courts; and (5) respondents who express fear and/or concern about crime, and/or who have experienced victimization would not be supportive of the courts. It is found that members of the public express diffuse support for the courts, but criticism center around court leniency and plea bargaining. At least partial support is found for all five hypotheses with support for strong punitive sanctions the best predictor of attitudes toward the courts.     

Public support for punishing white-collar crime: Blaming the victim revisited?

It is commonly asserted that white-collar crime flourishes because the public is unaware of its costs and indifferent to its control. Survey data collected in Illinois indicate, however, that the public perceives white-collar offenses to have greater economic and moral costs than conventional street crimes, though not to be as violent. More notably, our sample displayed strong support for the criminal sanctioning of white-collar offenders. Public attitudes thus do not appear to be either a major obstacle to attacking upper-world criminality, or its source. It is suggested that attempts to blame the public for its immense victimization serve only to divert attention from the real structural conditions that underlie both high rates of white-collar crime and the reluctance of the state to bring the lawlessness of the advantaged within the reach of the criminal law.     

A profile of parental homicide against children

The purpose of this study was to provide a profile of victims and offenders in cases where children were killed by their parents. The data were all incidents (3,459) in which a parent killed a child under age 18, which were recorded in theUniform Crime Reports between 1976 and 1985. In the first week of a child's life, the risk of being killed by a parent was equal for males and females. From 1 week to 15 years, males were the victims in about 55% of all parent-child homicides; the percentage of male victims increased to 77% in the 16–18 age group. Among infants in the first week of life, mothers were almost always the ones who committed the homicide. Between the first week of life and the teenage years, mothers and fathers were about equally likely to kill their child. During the 13–15 year age group, fathers committed 63% of all homicides, and this increased to 80% among the 16–18 year age group. Among very young children, the causes of death tended to be personal weaponds, asphyxiation, or drowning. As age increased, the weapons became predominantly guns and knives.     

Public hospitals on the brink: their problems and their options

This article defines the differences among public community hospitals, and examines the problems faced by those that serve primarily the poor. The article analyzes the impacts of (1) the tradition of local fiscal responsibility, (2) third-party funding arrangements, (3) public hospitals' bases of political support, and (4) problems in governance and administration. Three broad policy options for public hospitals are considered in the light of these impacts.     

Paying for the Medicare program

Although the hospital insurance (HI) trust fund acted as a source of strength for the old-age, survivors, and disability insurance program during its recent financial crises, projections by HCFA and CBO reveal that the Medicare program will experience financing problems of its own within the next decade. No one would argue that Medicare's financing problems should be solved simply by raising more money. However, the prospect of insolvency in the HI trust fund and the increasing strain on general revenues from the Supplementary Medical Insurance trust fund require policymakers to survey the options for increasing Medicare revenues while cost-control devices are being developed. Indeed, even if cost-control efforts are completely successful, additional revenues may be needed in the future to finance new initiatives in the Medicare program. Therefore, this paper will look briefly at current efforts to regain control of soaring hospital and physician costs and then examine some of the more feasible options for increasing Medicare revenues.     

Factors associated with college crimes: Implications for campus police

A considerable amount of attention is now being paid to the serious nature of campus crime. However, little information is available with regard to those factors that might be closely associated with such incidents. This paper discusses security features and demographic characteristics of a select number of colleges throughout the country. It also describes the extent to which these factors are related to campus crimes. Conclusions and recommendations for campus police officials are discussed.     

Iraq and the case for Australian war crimes trials

This article presents the case for Australian war crimes trials, following Australian participation in the invasion of Iraq and the subsequent deaths of as many as a million Iraqi civilians. It focuses on jus in bello (war crimes) rather than jus ad bellum (just war). The article sets out the argument and rationale that Australian war crimes trials are needed. Having established the necessity, the article identifies two of the principal alleged atrocities for which Australian officials should be held criminally accountable. It details Australian military support for the use of cluster bombs against civilians during the 2003 invasion, and senior Australian military commanders’ responsibility for planning and carrying out multiple purported war crimes during the attack on Fallujah in late 2004. The article recognises that, in order for Australian officials to be prosecuted under the International Criminal Court (ICC), all domestic remedies must be first exhausted. It therefore specifically addresses which Australian laws can be used, with particular emphasis on anti-terrorist legislation passed in 2002 under the Howard Government and the introduction into Australia’s domestic federal criminal legislation offences equivalent to the ICC Statute offences of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. These provide the most applicable legal tools for prosecuting senior Australian officials for war crimes in Iraq.     

Eyes wide shut: the police investigation of safety crimes

This article reports the results of an empirical research project on the police investigation of harms caused by occupational safety crimes in Finland. It begins with a theoretical discussion of how those harms are excluded from mainstream criminal justice discourse by a range of obscuring mechanisms and the role that policing plays in maintaining and constituting a social order that marginalises safety crime. The paper uses an empirical study of safety crimes reported to the police in Finland. The study, located in a rare case of a jurisdiction in which safety crimes are the responsibility of mainstream policing agencies, will be used to explore the possibilities for stretching the legitimate parameters of criminal justice intervention. In order to do so, the analysis explores features of the ‘structural’ readiness of the state and the ‘conceptual’ readiness of police officers to criminalise those harms. The paper concludes on the value of those findings for understanding how safety crimes might be mainstreamed into policing systems more generally.