追求承认的斗争与世界政治格局的变迁

追求承认的斗争不仅关系到个人和国家的本体性安全、获得生存与发展的条件,也是一种人性的基本诉求,即希望获得自由与平等。因此,追求承认的斗争构成了推动世界政治格局变迁的一种根本动力。追求承认的斗争会导向更加分散化的社会体系和国际秩序,以及自由主义、民族主义、认同政治的兴起。在世界政治的力量格局层面,追求承认的斗争带来国家和国际制度的变革,以及围绕大国地位的斗争,最终导致力量对比格局的变化;在世界政治的思想格局层面,追求承认的斗争造成了强调个体自由与权利的自由主义的兴起,但民族主义、认同政治等正在挑战自由主义作为一种普遍政治认同的地位,导致国家和国际政治中出现日益严重的“极化”现象。     

未获承认地区阿布哈兹和德涅斯特的政治认同:东正教内部关系及跨界少数民族问题

苏联解体后出现了一些新的未被国际社会承认的边疆地区.研究后苏联民族冲突的学者一般认为,民族认同在民族冲突中具有决定性的作用,后苏联的民族冲突之所以如此激烈,原因即在于此.但这种认识实际上并不全面.本文以黑海沿岸的阿布哈兹和德涅斯特河沿岸地区为例,从阿布哈兹、德涅斯特河左岸以及比萨拉比亚东正教会内部关系探讨政治认同与民族冲突问题,认为研究跨边界行为者对认识整个黑海沿岸地区的认同政治是有利的.     

为谁讲故事:美国两党的国家叙事之争

美国正深陷一场“冷内战”之中,极化与统一国家故事的衰败同步发生,围绕“谁是美国人”,美国正在呼唤一种新的国家故事。在人口结构持续变化,社会经济不平等难以扭转,新媒体技术不断发展,保守主义和自由主义出现重大分歧的背景下,两党聚焦种族议题,在国家叙事上全面差异化,更趋极端化,以对历史叙事的争夺为核心,将选举、执法、教育等多个议题广泛勾连。2022年中期选举中两党不断调整自身叙事策略,共和党将矛头对准“批判种族理论”,动员独立选民中的家长选民;民主党则延续“反白人至上”叙事,借堕胎议题转移选民焦点。由于“美国梦”故事的失效与“盎格鲁-撒克逊”故事的弱化,今后两党围绕国家故事的争斗仍将长期延续。其带来的结果是对内群体间敌意不断加深,社会矛盾显著增加,经济阶级矛盾被政治话语遮蔽;对外将分散美国用于国际事务的力量,美国模式吸引力下降,美国更难借白人文明拉拢组建“盎格鲁-撒克逊联盟”。     

中国国家间关系的构建:从“天下”到国际秩序

随着中国的崛起,中国会在现代国际关系体系中扮演怎样的角色?这是目前国际关系领域的一个重点问题。无论是学者还是政策制定者,很多人担心中国会回归过去的朝贡制度体系并以此作为其国际关系组织原则。本文以讨论王赓武的国际关系研究为起点,从历史和现实两个维度来检讨中国的国际关系组织原则。本文强调,研究中国的国际关系体系和行为必须首先找到一个适合于中国自身的话语体系,简单地使用从西方发展起来的国际关系话语体系往往使人误入歧途。本文试图重新定义权力的概念,表明国际关系并不总是一种零和游戏,其性质取决于国家间权力关系的不同体现形式。从权力是一种非零和游戏的观点出发,本文讨论了中国是如何从历史上的朝贡制度原则转型到今天的国际关系原则的,以及朝贡制度中的开放原则又是如何体现在全球化和开放性区域主义原则中的。     

国家认同:德国与日本的联合国外交比较

联合国外交是战后日本和德国大国外交的重要组成部分 ,冷战后两国均先后提出谋求加入安理会常任理事国。本文从国家认同、联盟关系、军事结构等角度对日本和德国的联合国外交进行了分析 ,探讨了其特点、相似之处及差别。     

民主化进程中东南亚国家的华人政治参与——以菲律宾、马来西亚和印度尼西亚为例

近年来东南亚华人政治参与发展很快,但各国在参与形式、所选渠道、参与层次及绩效等方面仍存在较大差异.本文通过对菲律宾、马来西亚和印度尼西亚三国华人政治参与的比较分析,发现民主化进程的确推动了华人政治参与的扩大,但具体影响方式、影响范围和影响力大小又是不确定的.合作、竞争和依附,至少构成三种不同的路径选择.较之民主化因素,民族身份认同对东南亚国家华人政治参与模式选择的影响更大.     

东南亚华人青年如何看待华人与当地民族的关系

本文通过问卷调查的方式分析研究东南亚华人青年对民族关系的看法和态度。结果表明,大多数华人青年认为,他们在政治上认同居住国,但在文化和民族认同方面则仍然保留华人特色     

论南朝时期东南亚国家对“华夷秩序”的认同问题——以中国正史资料为视角

南朝时期,汉族统治者理想中的"华夷秩序"因东南亚各国携礼"宾从"而似有其实;但实际上,随着与南朝距离的渐远,东南亚各国对"华夷秩序"的认同感也逐渐降低。东南亚各国对"华夷秩序"认同与否还取决于中原王朝的实力大小和外交努力。而在这些方面,南朝显然不及前代,这就从根本上导致东南亚各国对南朝各政权政治膜拜和实利诉求的减少;取而代之的,则是在东南亚国家主导下,南朝时期的中外佛教交流迎来了前所未有的繁荣景象。     

国家资本主义、私有化与精英斗争——近期俄罗斯“国家-资本”关系的两重逻辑

在上世纪90年代两轮大规模私有化结束之后,过去十多年内俄罗斯"国家-资本"间关系呈现两个冲突的趋势:一是进入新世纪以来直到2008年危机前达到高峰的"国家资本主义"体制;二是持续不断的"第三波私有化"浪潮、尤其是在2009年以后俄罗斯政府的新私有化动议。分析这两个貌似冲突的趋势背后的动因,以及2008年的金融危机如何成为两个趋势冲突形态变化的重要转折点具有重要意义。这两组政策选择的背后,是俄罗斯政治精英阶层内部对于实现俄经济结构转型的两种不同路径选择。在这样的精英冲突背景下,新私有化动议在2017年前如期完成的可能性微乎其微。     

国家身份视角下蒙古国与上海合作组织的关系

国家身份构建影响国家对特定国际组织的认同,而且在与国际组织的互动中,国家身份(预期)面临被弱化或强化的趋势,影响国家对国际组织认同的变化,进而影响其与特定国际组织之间的关系。冷战结束以来,蒙古国在个体身份、角色身份和类属身份方面,均致力于重构国家身份。对国家新身份内容与意义稳定性的珍视,影响蒙古国对上合组织认同水平的提高,进而导致蒙古国与上合组织之间的关系长期未取得突破性进展。首先,蒙古国与上合组织成员国在个体身份上的显著差异,制约了其对上合组织的认同水平;其次,相对于邻国和"第三邻国"的角色身份以及它们之间存在的内在张力,使蒙古国与上合组织保持适当的距离;再次,蒙古国对自身民主国家类属身份面临弱化的担忧,成为阻碍其对上合组织认同水平提升的深层次原因。上合组织扩员后,蒙古国持"积极参与,缩小距离"的态度,尝试增进与上合组织的关系。     

The Struggle for Recognition of the Indigenous Voice: Amerindians in Guyanese Politics

Abstract

In Guyana’s racialised geography, Amerindians live in scattered villages in the vast hinterland that covers 90% of the country. Amerindian iconography is appropriated in state-making, even while Amerindians themselves are consigned to a patron–client relationship with the dominant ‘coastlander’ society. In the late 1950s, Amerindians made up only 4% of the national population but voted as a bloc in the national elections of 1957, 1961 and 1964, rallying around Stephen Campbell, the first Amerindian member of the legislature. Their unified position allowed their political leaders to negotiate a commitment to the settlement of Amerindian land claims as a condition of Independence in 1966. After losing its parliamentary majority in 2011, the coastlander-based party in power has been working to disrupt cohesion among Amerindian community leaders. The government uses a variety of funds to reward community leaders who will sign pre-prepared resolutions at the statutory National Toshaos Council meetings, and denies funds to leaders and communities that protest at government neglect and mismanagement of the traditional areas claimed by the indigenous peoples.     

Filling the Moral Void: The Christian Right in Singapore

In March 2009 a group of Anglican Pentecostal women took over the Association of Women for Action and Research, a secular women's rights group in Singapore. This sparked an intense month-long public debate over a variety of issues which included the increasing aggression of the “Christian Right,” the secular nature of public space in Singapore, sex education and tolerance for gay communities, culminating in state intervention. While conventional sociological studies have suggested a variety of explanations for the growing presence of Pentecostal Christians in the public sphere, such as religious stratification or their links to party politics, few have examined it within the framework of nation-building. This paper seeks to understand the recent emergence of the “Christian Right” and its exposition on various moral issues within a historical context – a context from which the People's Action Party government successfully arose, in part, due to its self-construction as a moral state, and argues that the post-industrial challenges of globalisation have forced the government to be less morally conservative, resulting in a perceived moral vacuum which certain segments of Pentecostal Christians have felt compelled to fill.     

Struggling for the Kurdish vote: religion,ethnicity and victimhood in AKP and BDP/HDP rally speeches

This study explores the competition for Turkey's Kurdish vote through the instrumentalization of religion, ethnicity and victimhood in political competition. This becomes possible through the study of rally speeches of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi – AKP), the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (Bar?? ve Demokrasi Partisi – BDP) and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (Halklar?n Demokratik Partisi – HDP), in Turkey's June 2011 and June 2015 general elections. The AKP campaigns framed the resolution of the Kurdish issue along with an updated version of the ‘Turkish Islamic Synthesis’. The issue of ethnicity was toned down in contrast to the idea of common victimhood of pious Turkish and Kurdish Muslims in republican Turkey. On the other hand, the BDP/HDP moved from a more ethnic-oriented and exclusive identity approach in 2011 to a more inclusive, liberal and extrovert agenda based on a civic definition of Turkish national identity in 2015. Religion and victimhood appear as the two most enduring symbolic resources for political party mobilization.     

Compensating the Victims of Human Rights Abuses in the German Democratic Republic: The Struggle for Recognition

This article examines the evolution of the compensation legislation for victims of human rights abuses in the former German Democratic Republic, and considers the reasons for the continuing dissatisfaction among victims' organisations following the most recent significant revision of the relevant laws in 2007. It charts political debates about adequate compensation for the victims and compares these discourses with the positions of the victims' organisations, demonstrating the ways in which party politics both influenced victims' perception of their own situation and raised expectations of a ‘recognition’ (Axel Honneth) of the victims in German society which has yet to be achieved. The article argues that, despite apparent agreement, the agendas of politicians and victims' organisations were ultimately incompatible.     

Somaliland: An African Struggle for Nationhood and International Recognition

This paper investigates the benefits of Chinese companies to the Ugandan economy using data gathered during fieldwork in Kampala. Potential contributions to the Ugandan economy are analysed through a number of economic and managerial factors, and their determinants. This paper shows that potential benefits vary on the basis of sector, investment size and ECCO registration. The potential harm caused by one sector in particular is indicated. The paper presents recommendations regarding how potential benefits can be maximised and harm reduced. Given the increased presence of Chinese enterprises in Africa, these findings are relevant to African policymakers and academics.     

Grammar,context and power: securitization of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade

In the wake of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, right-wing extremists portrayed the event as a threat to public morals, while liberals framed homophobia as a threat to democracy. While these moves managed to polarize and mobilize the public, the government didn’t heed their calls to adopt extraordinary measures. The Parade took place on 10 October and the extremists organized unchecked violent counter-demonstrations. By drawing on Securitization Theory, we triangulate content and discourse analysis to understand why these securitizing moves had a low success. Our analysis shows that although both moves followed the grammar of security, they were only partially embedded into the wider discursive context and were not enunciated by securitizing actors with strong positional power.