开展活动搭建“道德模范和身边好人”学习平台

正一是开展公益广告宣传活动。以社会主义核心价值观、中国梦、美丽静海、"邻里守望"志愿服务、静海文化品牌等为主题,组织道德模范和身边好人拍摄系列公益广告,并在区电视台、楼宇电视、户内外公益广告栏等媒介进行刊播。目前,已经拍摄了两组社会主义核心价值观公益广告,先后制作公益广告151块、楼宇电视视频4条,进一步扩大了典型宣传的覆盖面。二是开展系列志愿服务活动。利用植树节、儿童节、春节等节庆日以及重     

如何做好电视公益广告

随着社会进步和经济发展,在物质文明不断繁荣的同时,精神文明的建设也日益加快。在谋求商业价值的电视广告兴盛之际,宣扬公义性质的电视公益广告也越来越受重视。做好电视公益广告需有好的选题,好的创意和精细加工。     

公益广告发展中的政府行为

公益广告是一种借助于广告载体的特殊的社会教育和文化传播形式,是政府和民众沟通的重要桥梁,是传播优秀传统文化、促进良好社会风尚、提高社会诚信水平、构建和谐社会的重要手段。在西方国家,公益广告已被广泛运用于传达政府意识、疏导社会心理、缓和社会矛盾等方面,并取得了十分显著的效果,是“使社会变得更好的重要力量”。目前在美国、日本等国家公益广告已经深入民心,有一整套健全的公益广告发展机制和模式。我国公益广告起步晚,虽然发展很快,但存在不少问题,没有建立起一套公益广告良性发展机制是重要原因。公益广告运作机制是一项系…     

思想道德教育中的网络公益广告应用

网络公益广告对社会大众具有强大的道德教育功能,而这种功能发挥的过程是互联网行业担负其社会责任的最重要途径。利用网络公益广告对社会大众进行的道德教育面临一些困境,解决对策是:提高网络公益广告的创作质量;强化网络媒体责任意识;不断完善相关政策及法律法规。     

公益广告教育功能浅析

公益广告彰显的是社会主流价值观,对社会文明的传承与社会风气的净化有着不可忽视的影响。公益广告追求社会效益,追求对每一个公民的心灵的净化。通过视听媒介进行大众教育是最为普遍,也是最容易让人接受的手段之一。公益广告不仅担负着社会公德、社会秩序等方面的文化信息传递作用,而且对个体发展与社会发展具有显著的教育功能。     

公益广告语常用的修辞手法例析

公益广告是广告形式中的一种,以其诉求主题的公益性向大众宣传文明道德思想,提高大众文明素质,广告用语以其独特的语言艺术魅力发展迅猛,也成为研究的焦点话题,本文通过搜集大量的商品广告用语并加以分类整理,运用语言科学知识进行分析研究,从修辞角度论述了公益广告用语的若干修辞手法及其表达效果。     

浅析公益广告的特点及其思想政治教育功能

公益广告,作为一种非营利形式的大众媒体宣传手段,它的出现对当今社会主流意识形态的宣传与传播具有一定的推动作用。而且作为一种公益性的文本形式,其自身也承载着社会主义的核心价值。本文从介绍公益广告的内涵和特点入手,将其与思想政治教育规律相结合,深度挖掘出公益广告所具有的思想政治教育功能,有利于丰富思想政治教育手段,增强社会主义核心价值观的感染性与实效性。     

浅析新时期我国的电视体育节目

电视体育节目是电视这种现代传播媒体与体育的完美结合,它在电视屏幕的方寸之问充分展现了体育之美和体育精神.随着体育节目的类型和制作手段的丰富与提高,电视体育节目的影响力逐渐显现,受众群体也日益增加.在对中国电视体育节目的发展进行梳理的基础上,分析这类节目的特性及趋势.     

抓好“图说我们的价值观”公益广告宣传

正北辰区广泛运用宣传栏、公园、社区橱窗、施工现场围挡等阵地,开展"图说我们的价值观"公益广告宣传活动。建成天辰大厦主题长廊,北辰公园、滦水园、集贤公园三个主题公园。以"德耀北辰"为主题,建成北辰文明人物公益广告宣传一条路。从历届北辰文明人中,选出王秀敏、刘春海、李向洲、王本强等60名事迹感人的代表性人物,在     

项目化推进核心价值观建设

<正>扬州市把培育和践行社会主义核心价值工作任务分解成82个项目,形成了以"知行合一"为载体的工作方案,使其可定义、可量化、可操作、可考核、可追究,推动了培育和践行社会主义核心价值观工作落细、落小、落实。着眼"知",抓好立体式宣传阐释,做到"知晓真义"一是突出重点。对报纸、电视、广播、网络、手机规定的刊播版面、时段、时长、次数每月统计汇总,对商业大街、公园广场、车站码头、公共交通工具、建筑施工围档、公交站台、公共显示屏,及时发布中央文明办提供的"讲文明树新风"公益广告,定期更换,建立预警机制,确保规定动作做到位。二是主攻难点。紧紧抓住领导干部率先重范与广大群众参与互动这一难题,精心设计议题,     

Checking the Fact-Checkers in 2008: Predicting Political Ad Scrutiny and Assessing Consistency

Which types of political ads are most likely to draw criticism from fact-checkers? Are fact-checkers consistent in their evaluations of political ads? Examining general election television ads from the 2008 U.S. presidential race, and based upon the evaluations of FactCheck.org, PolitiFact.com, and the Washington Post's Fact Checker, this study demonstrates it was the attack ads from candidates that were most likely to draw scrutiny from the fact-checkers. Most importantly, a high level of agreement between the fact-checkers indicates their success at selecting political claims that can be consistently evaluated. While political advertisers are increasingly using evidence to support their claims, what may be more critical in drawing evaluations from fact-checkers is the verifiability of a claim. The implications of consistent fact-checking on the public, political actors, journalism and democracy are discussed. With the revelation that fact-checking can be consistently practiced, localized efforts at fact-checking need encouragement, particularly as political TV ads increasingly drown out other potential sources of information for the public and increasingly are used in downballot races, local initiatives, referendums and judicial races.     

The regulation and deregulation of televison: a British/West European comparison

This article compares and contrasts the systems of regulation and deregulation in the British and West European television industries. Although all television systems were affected by the information revolution and neo-liberal political economy in the 1980s,in many respects the British experience was Unique. The evolution of a mixed public/private system over forty years and the unique position of the BBC as a source of skilled labour and as a cultural benchmark for the entire industry,placed it in a stronger position than other public service systems to meet the new challanges to its hegemony. The British television industry demonstrates the tenacity of well-estabilished social structures and policy-making behaviour. This will be shown by reviewing the history of the recent Broadcasting Act. The European dimension of broadcasting policy and regulation is discussed in terms of the EC Directives and support for high defination television. This shows that the aim of protecting European industry and culture is not dissimilar from the ambitions of national regulation at an earlier stage.     

Do time restrictions on alcohol advertising reduce youth exposure?

Regulators may attempt to reduce youth exposure to alcohol advertising by restricting times during which alcohol ads may be aired on television or radio. The Netherlands introduced such a policy and found that teenage advertising exposure increased following the time restrictions. This study uses simulation analysis and a comprehensive database of television alcohol advertising to demonstrate that time restrictions are likely to reduce advertising exposure to the youngest viewers while increasing exposure for the high‐risk teenage population. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Candidate appearance in campaign advertisements

Many scholars have examined the nature of campaign advertising strategy across differing contexts in U.S. elections. Little attention has been devoted to exploring the incentives that candidates face to appear — or not — in their own advertisements. We argue that candidates should seek to distance themselves from potential backlash stemming from more negative messages by not appearing in negative ads. We also expect that candidates should be more likely to appear in advertisements aired during primary elections relative to general elections because candidates should use ads in this election stage to introduce themselves to voters. Furthermore, incumbents should be less likely to appear in ads than other candidates because their constituents should not need to be introduced to them. Data on candidate-sponsored television advertisements collected across four years for four different offices provides support for our expectations and suggests that candidates make strategic decisions about when to appear in advertisements.     

To the Advantage of the Big Parties but They Seem to Lose Interest—TV Advertising During the 2002 German National Election Campaign

Abstract

Since the introduction of commercial broadcasting in Germany during the 1980s, parties are allowed to purchase airtime in addition to the free airtime they receive on public channels. This has led to an increasing disadvantage for the smaller parties. In addition to the fact that a graded system of allocation of airtime is applied for ads on public TV and small parties receive fewer slots than their big competitors, they cannot afford to buy extra airtime. Comparisons of style and content of the party ads further show that the bigger parties produce highly professional ads while the broadcasts of smaller parties are often unprofessional and almost home-style. While the spots allow unknown parties to receive the attention of the audience, their unprofessional offerings might work to their disadvantage. While the ads of the 2002 electoral campaign have confirmed these developments, analyses of the ads of the big parties at the same time hint at a growing disenchantment with the ads as a campaign channel. Even the big parties tend to invest less money in their TV campaign than in former campaigns, which at least partly seems to be due to unfavorable conditions for electoral advertising on TV. This paper presents findings from analyses of the party ads in 2002 which are compared with findings from a long-term analysis which covers the elections since 1957, the first year in which party ads were shown on German TV.     

Seeing Spots: Partisanship,Negativity and the Conditional Receipt of Campaign Advertisements

Changes in the media landscape increasingly put voters in control of the amount and type of political content they consume. We develop a novel experiment to assess the factors that drive this conditional receipt of information. We focus on how party source and tone interact with partisanship to influence the campaign messages voters seek out or avoid, as discretion over self-exposure varies. We randomly expose subjects to comparable positive or negative television ads aired by Democratic or Republican candidates from the 2012 Presidential election, and measure subjects’ propensities to skip, re-watch and share the spots. Partisans avoid out-party ads, albeit asymmetrically: Republicans are more consistent partisan screeners than Democrats. We find more such selectivity as discretion increases, but little evidence that negativity influences self-exposure. Our findings provide greater insight into the forces behind information selectivity, and have important implications for elections in the post-broadcast era.     

The effects of group size and income on contributions to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting

This paper examines the extent to which individual contributions to public television are explained by the size of the audience which receives the individual station's television signal. It also incorporates the effects of income on contributions to public television in order to assess the combined effects of income and group size on contributions to public goods.The existing literature on contributions to public goods differs from this paper in several respects. First, this study uses field data to test the effects of group size on a public good. The majority of the existing literature on public goods contributions is based on experimental data. Most of this literature addresses the issue of free riding behavior, not the effects on contributions of different sized groups. Finally, the theory of group size developed in prior work does not address the issue of how contributions differ for groups which are very different in size.     

An assessment of reasons behind service delivery protests: A case of Greater Tzaneen Municipality

This article aimed at assessing the underlying factors behind municipal service delivery protests at Greater Tzaneen Local Municipality. South African municipalities also form part of concerned public entities in terms of service delivery backlogs and protests behind service delivery. Over the past few years, South Africa has experienced a large number of protests against poor and insufficient service delivery across most municipalities in various provinces. An increase in service delivery protests in South African municipalities, as regularly seen in various media platforms such as newspapers, television, and social media, makes it necessary for policymakers, government practitioners, and scholars to understand the underlying factors behind service delivery protests. This paper is also intended to assess if whether community members protest due to poor or sufficient service delivery. It is quite evident that some people take advantage of the protests to their best interests rather than protesting for better service delivery. To accomplish the aim of this paper, a desktop research approach was applied to validate the argument and to uncover the underlying factors of service delivery protests. From the literature perspective, it is learnt that poverty, political instability, corruption, nepotism, and lack of public participatory are underlying factors behind service delivery protests. Despite some of the success of the post‐apartheid South African government, the country still faces serious challenges of high unemployment, poverty, inequality, and political instability. These are some of the key factors that culminate in citizens on streets protesting or expressing their dissatisfaction over the problem of poor service delivery.     

Broadcasting system in Italy: Evolution and perspectives

Italian public broadcasting service (RAI) has had a monopoly until the middle of the 1970s. The peculiarity of public monopoly in broadcasting is its tendency to secure political rather than economic rents. The dangers that public monopoly causes to consumers (viewers-listeners), has not emerged at least until the mid-seventies for the simple reason that broadcasting has been conceived under the ideological umbrella of public good rather than in terms of opportunity costs. A law limiting monopoly has taken fourteen years to be passed so that the proliferation of private radio and television stations has orgininated the subrogatory intervention by the Constitutional Court. From 1975 to 1989 regulation has tended to perpetuate RAI's monopoly, in a context which was very different from the one in which the RAI was established. It is no wonder, therefore, that reforms have been motivated by RAI's financial crisis in the seventies and eighties, and not by political choices. The 1990 law puts a stop to public monopoly in broadcasting giving rise to what now appears to be a duopoly, but which in 1990 to many seemed to introduce a contestable market able to respond to both consumers' demand and technological innovations more efficiently, so ensuring more freedom of information.     

Representations of intergenerational care on BBC children’s television

This paper contributes to research on media representations of care with a textual analysis of BBC children’s television. As a public service broadcaster, the BBC is tasked with the fostering and sustaining of citizenship. This paper argues that representations of care are an important way by which the BBC can potentially meet its remit and inform children’s perceptions of informal care. It takes a focused look at the portrayal of grandparent–grandchild relationships of care in three programmes: Mr Alzheimer’s and Me, Katie Morag and Topsy and Tim. All three programmes show narrative moments which map onto Tronto’s concept of good care, including attentiveness, responsibility, competence, responsiveness, solidarity and trust. Grandparents and grandchildren are shown to be caring for each other. However, programmes do not challenge the inequalities which continue to structure the realities of informal care work. Neither the inequalities of power between carers and care receivers, nor the lack of public and government support for carers is addressed, and adult informal care is gendered. This paper argues that while BBC children’s programmes provide important opportunities for children to learn the meaning of good care, in order for it to meet its public service remit, it should also provide opportunities to learn about the relationships of power that structure informal care.