The serpent beguiled me and i did eat: Entrapment and the creation of crime

This paper examines the legitimacy of pro-active law enforcement techniques, i.e. the use of deception to produce the performance of a criminal act in circumstances where it can be observed by law enforcement officials. It argues that law enforcement officials should only be allowed to create the intent to commit a crime in individuals who they have probable cause to suppose are already engaged or intending to engage in criminal activity of a similar nature.     

Collisions at the Intersection of Gender, Race, and Class: Enforcing the Chinese Exclusion Laws

This article explores the ramifications of the intersections of gender, race, and class ideologies for the enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Laws in the years immediately following their passage. Drawing from government documents and archival data, I argue that the notions of gender, race, and class that permeated the legislative debate contained significant incoherences and self-contradictions, and that many of the dilemmas surrounding the enforcement of the exclusion laws against Chinese women resulted from these collisions. Faced with conflicting mandates derived from, for example, racism and patriarchy, enforcement officers had to choose between equally powerful discourses. Their ad hoc and often pragmatic approach to such dilemmas contrasted sharply with a policy process that otherwise appeared to be driven by unquestioned—and unquestionable—moral mandates. In concluding, I note the implications for our understanding of the contingencies and instabilities of ideology and the legal practices of which it is part.     

Recursivity in Legal Change: Lawyers and Reforms of China's Criminal Procedure Law

This article employs a new framework for legal change, the recursivity of law, to explain why China's criminal procedure law has cycled through numerous reforms between 1979 and 2008 without improving the conditions of lawyers' criminal defense work. The authors argue that Chinese lawyers' difficulties in criminal defense have deep roots in the recursive nature of the criminal procedure reforms. In particular, those difficulties were produced by interactions of the four mechanisms of recursivity (indeterminacy of law, contradictions, diagnostic struggles, and actor mismatch) in both lawmaking and implementation. The empirical analysis shows that these mechanisms are linked in pairs and in sequence. This logic of change offers an integrated interdisciplinary approach to the enactment and implementation of law in other times, places, and areas of law.     

Tracing an Outline of Legal Complexity

Autopoiesis and systems theory are terms often treated as synonymous by lawyers. This sleight‐of‐phrase elides the space between autopoiesis and systems theory, removing its content. Within this eliminated space there exist numerous understandings of systems approaches in law; one such understanding is complexity theory. Complexity theory entails a very different systems view of law to that of autopoiesis. In this paper I explore the concepts of complexity and their relevance to law. In tracing an outline of complexity, a number of contradictions, paradoxes, and additional questions are exposed which require further detailed analysis in the future.     

城镇规划区违建执法困境及其解释——国家能力的视角

既有理论框架难以全面解释违建执法的困境.实际上,违建执法的困境反映执法领域国家能力的不足.从执法的结构和过程看,国家能力不足表现在多个层面:执法机构的"孤岛现象"普遍,不同机构之间难以有效合作;一线执法人员的素养欠缺,且其工作难以被执法机构有效考核;执法人员在进入社区空间、处理执法事务时受阻严重.由于国家能力的不足,执法人员常常接受执法对象的讨价还价,违建执法表现出"日常惰性—专项治理"的循环结构,强力执法与违法不究处于共生状态.改善社会治理,需要在执法领域强化国家能力,需要从执法机构、执法人员及其与社会的互动等多方面着手.     

预防化解社会矛盾的治本之策:规范公权力

当前我国社会矛盾纠纷不断增加的主要原因是公权力行使不规范,表现为社会政策和法律制度滞后、政府违法决策处置突发事件不当、行政执法不规范、法律实施不良、行政不作为、信息不公开等,预防化解社会矛盾纠纷的根本出路在于规范公权力行使,包括明确权力边界,规范立法权力,健全程序规则,规范决策和执法行为。由于解决矛盾纠纷主要依赖行政方式,诉讼、复议等法定救济渠道并未充分发挥作用,致使社会矛盾越解决越多,预防化解矛盾纠纷的难度不断加大。为此,应当慎用行政手段,畅通法定救济渠道,有效化解社会矛盾纠纷。     

Sheriff law enforcement officers and the use of force

This study examined the relationship between sheriff law enforcement officers' characteristics and their use of force. Official records were utilized to collect data on the sworn law enforcement officers of the Florida Polk County Sheriff's Office and their self-reported use of force for 1999. The findings of this study indicated that White, male law enforcement officers, thirty-five years of age or younger, with less than 145 months of service, and assigned to patrol duties were more likely to resort to the use of force. Given that sheriff law enforcement officers are an integral part of policing, it is recommended that more studies be conducted of the use of force by these public officials.     

Liberalism and Its Other: The Politics of Primitivism in Colonial and Postcolonial Indian Law

Liberalism is widely regarded as a modern intellectual tradition that defends the rights and freedoms of autonomous individuals. Yet, in both colonial and postcolonial contexts, liberal theorists and lawmakers have struggled to defend the rights and freedoms of political subjects whom they regard as “primitive,” “backward,” or “indigenous.” Liberalism thus recurrently encounters its primitive other, a face‐off that gives rise to a peculiar set of dilemmas and contradictions for political theory and law. In what ways can postcolonial law rid itself of its colonial baggage? How can the ideal of universal liberal citizenship overcome paternalistic notions of protection? How might “primitive” subjects become full and equal citizens in postcolonial societies? To explore these dilemmas and contradictions, I study the intellectual trajectory of “primitivism” in India from the construction of so‐called tribal areas in the 1870s to legal debates and official reports on tribal rights in contemporary India. Through a close reading of these legal provisions for tribal peoples and places, I explore the continuing tension between the constitutional ideal of liberal citizenship and the disturbing reality of tribal subjecthood produced by colonial and postcolonial Indian states.     

Rule of Law with Chinese Characteristics: The Role of Campaigns in Lawmaking

China increasingly relies on its legal system to regulate a broad spectrum of social and economic activity. There is, however, widespread failure to observe the law, which periodically leads to social crises and popular unrest. The Chinese state is not, of course, alone in experiencing this, but it responds to enforcement failures in distinctive ways. This article examines one such response. In this article, we explore the role played by the enforcement campaign in the development of the Chinese legal system. We focus on one campaign in particular: the campaign that was waged between 2004 and 2007 to redress the chronic failure to pay wages. Chinese enforcement campaigns are not simply directed at securing greater compliance with existing law. They are integrally linked to cycles of law reform in the PRC. Whilst their main impact is on enforcement, they also have an important role in influencing the drafting of legislation and the interpretation of law. This article documents the impact of this campaign on the production of law: in speeding up the iterative process of lawmaking, interpretation, and implementation, with production of important reforms to existing labour law in 2007 and 2008. It is the strong “planned” nature of the campaign and its emphasis on state leadership of lawmaking and enforcement that continues to shape the development of China's particular version of the “rule of law.”     

Afterword

Contributions to the special issue on race, ethnicity, and the law are reviewed and critiqued via an examination of the paradoxes and contradictions that characterize the relationship among ethnicity, race, and the law in modern, pluralistic societies. Law is discussed in terms of its use as a tool for both group social control and liberation.     

Posse Comitatus revisited: The use of the military in civil law enforcement

The Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, which removed the military from regular civil law enforcement, was in response to the abuses resulting from the extensive use of the army in civil law enforcement during the Civil War and the Reconstruction. The Act allows legislated exceptions. Congress, by legislation, has allowed the use of the military in cases of domestic violence, protection of federal property, and enforcement of some federal laws and court orders.The growing drug problem in the United States and the inability of federal and local law enforcement officials to meet the challenge of massive drug inflow led Congress in 1981 to enact legislation providing for military cooperation with civilian law enforcement officials. Although recognizing the Posse Comitatus restrictions, the law opens the door for extensive use of the military in civilian law enforcement. The military has been slow to respond because it does not wish to become embroiled in civilian law enforcement, and there are questions concerning funding. Further, the military does not want to have its readiness capability impaired by diverting resources toward civilian law enforcement.The Department of Defense has developed directives to provide types of direct and indirect assistance to civilian law enforcement agencies. Currently, the military collects information and uses military equipment in tracking violators of the drug laws. Demands for greater military involvement in the war on drugs are being made. Military cooperation with civil law enforcement agencies can be expected to increase.     

清官论考

本文从清官的内涵、清官的特点、清官产生的社会历史背景、清官的历史作用以及清官的精神等五个方面,对清官这一中国传统政治法律文化中的重大课题进行了系统的研究。通过对史实的考察,试图说明:为了建设社会主义法治国家,在尊重法律、强调民主、追求自由与平等、维护社会的公平正义等的同时,政府官员在政治、经济乃至个人生活上必须弘扬中国古代的清官精神。     

“警察人性化执法”刍议

警察人性化执法,是指警察在执法过程中,在依法保障当事人合法权益的前提下,依照法定的职权和法定的程序,改变执法观念和执法方式,以人为本,实现执法公正的一项专门活动。在警察人性化执法中,严格执法是前提,依法保障当事人的合法权益(包括警察自身的合法权益)是核心内容,人文关怀是方式,实现执法公正是终极目标。而"懦弱执法"、"人情执法"、"不平等执法"和"首次不罚"的执法都不是警察的人性化执法。警察人性化执法实现的途径主要有三:一是完善公安法律制度;二是提高人民警察自身的素质;三是加强监督,从严治警。     

Competition Law in the International Domain: Networks as a New Form of Governance

Central to the internationalization of competition law has been the emergence of transnational networks of competition officials and experts. These networks have operated in three main areas: co-ordination on enforcement; technical assistance; and moves to develop overarching competition principles at the level of the WTO. The debate over the nature of internationalization of competition norms has fallen into three phases: early failures mainly due to the lack of any network; politicization of competition policy within a UN context followed by the emergence of a network primarily focused on the OECD. The current phase concerns coordination and the attempt to develop a competition law regime at the WTO level. This process is spearheaded by the European Union, with the United States of America favouring bilateral agreements on enforcement and technical assistance only. The way the debate has changed over the past ten years and how the two main protagonists have modified their positions, is indicative of the influence and importance of networks which, while they may give rise to formal agreements, can operate through soft power and persuasion. What emerges from the analysis is the centrality of these networks to this important aspect of contemporary international governance. They supplement rather than replace more traditional forms of internationalism and, while they may fundamentally regard themselves as technocratic, deriving legitimacy from outputs, current pressures on international policy making require them to attend to the process aspects associated with legitimacy of democratic regimes.     

中国职务犯罪侦查的实践及其趋势

2009年以来，中央根据社会矛盾、社会管理和执法活动的新特点，明确要求我国政法机关深入推进社会矛盾化解、社会管理创新、公正廉洁执法三顼重点工作，着力解决影响社会和谐稳定的源头性、根本性、基础性问题，切实维护社会和谐稳定，实现国家长治久安。最高人民检察院曹建明检察长对全国检察机关落实中央要求、深入推进三顼重点工作和统筹抓好各项检察工作，提出了明确的目标和要求。     

Antitrust Law and Distributive Politics in the American States

State enforcement by state attorneys general (AGs) has become a major component of American antitrust law. Much has been written about state antitrust enforcement, but existing accounts of AG incentives and behavior are incomplete. As elected officials in forty‐three states, AGs must represent their constituents and, therefore, will be drawn to cases that maximize the level of settlement reward—cases with large, wealthy defendants. I hypothesize and find that state AGs represent their constituents along ideological lines, but this relationship is conditioned by case characteristics that involve the potential settlement reward. Moreover, incentives to participate are likely to be higher when there are clear violations of the law, as in price‐fixing cases, rather than in merger cases, where no wrongdoing has necessarily been established. The study adds to our understanding of antitrust law but also has implications for how distributive politics shapes political responsiveness to the electorate.     

Contradictions, Law, and State Socialism

The relationship of law to antagonisms and contradictions within state socialism is explored from a Weberian and a Marxian perspective. Examining legislation, court decision making, legal control of economic behavior, and law enforcement reveals contradictions between (I) a radical participatory ideology versus muted or extinct civil society; (2) the ideology of comprehensive planning versus the impotence of law; (3) strategies aiming at total control of public life versus the emergence of a niche society outside the reach of the state; (4) regulatory norms versus the functional necessity of norm-breaking behavior; (5) reliance on a revolutionary sense of justice versus the cultivation of "doublethought"; (6) a program of total control of economic behavior versus the emergence of deviant, even criminal, forms of organization to fulfill functionally necessary but ideologically unapproved economic tasks; and finally, (7) two distinct practices of law, responsive or postliberal versus repressive. Yet, contradictions typically did not lead through conflict to subsequent reform during the state socialist era, as conflicts were repressed. When reforms were attempted, they furthered conflict and system breakdown.     

Law Enforcement Officers in Schools: An Analysis of Ethical Issues

The use of law enforcement officers in American schools has rapidly expanded since its inception in the 1950s. This growth can in part be attributed to the Safe Schools Act of 1994, the establishment of the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) Office, and tragic events that have occurred in our nation's schools. Law enforcement officers in the school environment traditionally have primary roles of protection and enforcement, although many have ancillary roles of educating and mentoring students. However, the use of police in schools has also been associated with the formalization of student discipline and the criminalization of minor misconduct. Specifically, an increase in the number of officers in schools has mirrored an increase in the number of arrests and citations for relatively minor offenses. We argue that officers' socialization and training create role conflict in that the duty to enforce the law competes with other duties to mentor and nurture students. We present several hypothetical dilemmas and then illustrate how the “right thing to do” is determined by the perceived duties of the school safety officer. We conclude by presenting some modest suggestions on how to address the potential role conflict experienced by law enforcement officers working in schools.     

对违法行为的分类治理研究——从提高违法成本角度分析

我国违法现象易发、多发,违法成本低是重要原因。对违法行为的处罚标准和查处概率都对违法成本产生重要影响。设定的处罚标准越高、查处概率越高,违法者的违法成本就越高。处罚标准高低是立法问题,查处概率高低则受执法人员数量、执法频率、执法技术水平、执法意愿等多种因素影响。为了提高违法成本,需根据情况适当提高处罚标准,增加执法人员,改进执法技术,但更重要的是提升执法者的执法意愿。     

Legitimacy is Not Authority

The two leading traditions of theorizing about democratic legitimacy are liberalism and deliberative democracy. Liberals typically claim that legitimacy consists in the consent of the governed, while deliberative democrats typically claim that legitimacy consists in the soundness of political procedures. Despite this difference, both traditions see the need for legitimacy as arising from the coercive enforcement of law and regard legitimacy as necessary for law to have normative authority. While I endorse the broad aims of these two traditions, I believe they both misunderstand the nature of legitimacy. In this essay I argue that the legitimacy of a law is neither necessary nor sufficient for its normative authority, and I argue further that the need for legitimacy in law arises regardless of whether the law is coercively enforced. I thus articulate a new understanding of the legitimacy and authority of law.