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This paper aims to provide a coherent analysis of the economic impact accession to the Eurasian Economic Union has had on the economies of current member states and what affect membership would have on the economy of Azerbaijan. By applying a Linear Regression Model we find that membership to this regional bloc has yielded minimal financial benefits for the existing members. However, for most states, accession has increased the trade deficit with Russia and that a membership would likely produce a similar negative outcome for Azerbaijan in addition to undermining national economic and energy policy making.  相似文献   

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This article argues that Russia has a peculiar form of authoritarianism that exhibits pronounced technocratic features. The analysis places in a comparative frame the bases of regime legitimacy and the paths to political, administrative, and economic power in Russia. By locating the Russian state in a matrix that considers the ideology of governance on one axis and the backgrounds of elites on the other, the article highlights areas of overlap and separation between state–society relations in Russia and other regimes in the developed and developing world. It also illustrates the ways in which technocratic elites in Russia differ from their counterparts in other parts of the world.  相似文献   

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红色教授学院作为苏联第一所新型的高等学校,是十月革命后文化革命的重要成果,它在培养政治上可靠、理论上过硬的人文社会科学理论人才和知识分子方面发挥了极其重要的作用.苏联红色教授学院这种新型高等学校模式,也陆续被其他的社会主义国家所借鉴.  相似文献   

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中国对待苏联模式的态度经历了一个从"以苏为师"到"以苏为鉴"的曲折过程,开始时接受苏联模式主要是一种自觉的行为.中国社会主义建设的失误,不仅仅是苏联模式造成的,也有与我们在学习进程中未能充分吸收其精华、抛弃其糟粕有关.  相似文献   

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中苏论战既有积极影响,也有消极影响,从总体上看,其消极影响更大.对中共和中国来讲,中苏论战对中共有关社会主义发展道路的探索产生重要影响,加剧了中共的左倾错误和教条主义倾向,是导致"文化大革命"发生的重要因素,进而恶化了中国的社会主义建设环境.  相似文献   

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1958年7月31日至8月3日,苏联领导人赫鲁晓夫和国防部长马利诺夫斯基秘密访问了北京.中国提出,请苏联"老大哥"传授核技术.然而,从60年代初开始,两国关系逐渐紧张进而演变为公开对抗.1964年10月16日,中国依靠自己的力量成功地试爆了第一颗原子弹.俄罗斯汉学家通过查阅大量从未公开过的文献,揭开了当年中苏领导人之间鲜为人知的内幕.  相似文献   

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E-government has been an emerging trend in recent decades, inviting interest from policy makers, bureaucrats, citizens, and public administration researchers. The purpose of this article is to track and analyze inception and evolution of e-government systems in Russia and China. Authors utilized the UN e-government survey to compare various dimensions of e-government over eleven years. The findings indicate that although both countries achieved high levels of e-government development, marked by a high level of availability and integration of e-government services, both Russia and China came short of reaching e-democracy, the highest level of e-government, which inherently promotes e-participation.  相似文献   

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Abstract

The Russian Revolution is analysed in this paper in the context of a conjuncture dominated by counterrevolution. Beginning with the repression of the 1850s, a process of permanent counterrevolution has become the over-determining trend of social-political history. The Russian Revolution was subject to several distinct aspects of this process. First was external counterrevolution, the attack on it from the outside. Whilst Anglo-America was the main bulwark organising it, the Nazi/fascist counterrevolution and invasion of the USSR was an example of counterrevolution that ran out of control and ended in a defeat in Europe that was only overcome through a long and risky Cold War. Internal counterrevolution affected the Russian Revolution as part of a longer process of adjusting socialist theory to successive defeats. In the Soviet case, Socialism in One Country was the decisive mutation in this respect and must be viewed as the decisive component of the triumph of counterrevolution. After the war, Anglo-America adjusted the counterrevolutionary strategy to surgical excisions of socialist tendencies until the USSR, isolated and ideologically exhausted, collapsed. Even so, several of its legacies continue to be relevant, notably the nationality policy and internationalism. Also, today’s information revolution casts a new light on the Soviet planning experience that must be studied now that capitalism is slipping into a systemic crisis.  相似文献   

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The transition ‘from planned to market economy’ in the former Soviet Union and in several countries in post-communist Europe is one of the most sweeping social transformations of the second half of the 20th century. It is widely accepted that this transformation was driven by a shared belief in the market's superior ability to deliver economic growth, to create wealth and contribute to the well-being of the populations after the demise of the defunct socialist ideology. However, the element of utopian fantasy undergirding the grand projects of socialism and the market is usually ignored, often with detrimental results. The study draws on Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalysis to propose an alternative reading of the process of transition, as an exchange of one powerful fantasy for another. My key contention is that as long as the common utopian dream of social harmony underlying both projects will not be recognised for what it is, which is in itself an unattainable desire of the human psyche, the illusory dreamlands will continue to exist and so will their violent political consequences. The study uses the example of public health policy development in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia to illustrate how unacknowledged fantasy leads to violent utilitarianism as it was manifested in socialism, and is now repeated differently but no less tyrannically in the market. In conclusion, I argue for integrating fantasy as a constitutive element of political projects and explore the possibility of the autonomous (self-determined) mode of governance that Cornelius Castoriadis (1987/2005) theorised on and juxtaposed to the heteronomous ways of organising ruled by master signifiers present in various ideologies.  相似文献   

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The early Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and independent India inherited vast territories and multi-ethnic populations from the preceding empires. Their maintenance was a political and administrative challenge. The Soviet Union devised an archetype of ethnoterritorial federalism, in which nationality groups were granted their own administrative territories and subnational governments. The PRC and India imitated this system selectively, aware of its dangerous centrifugal tendency. The collapse of the Soviet Union discredited ethnoterritorial federalism, but none of the three countries has since devised a new system of multinational integration to replace it.  相似文献   

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