东亚合作与中韩关系

探究东亚合作首先要区分东亚、东亚合作以及东亚与东亚合作所确指的行为体三个基本概念。东亚合作本质上是一种单一的经济合作进程,在安全合作领域存在严重的不足。其前景大致包括两种,一是既有框架下的东亚合作,二是继续泛化为亚洲合作。在东亚合作的视域下,中韩经济合作与安全合作不仅有利于发展中韩战略合作伙伴关系,也有助于东亚经济合作尤其是安全合作进程的推进。     

东亚共同体的主导与中日韩的自身定位

伴随东亚一体化的进展,东亚各国对于东亚一体化主导权的争夺非常激烈。近年来,在东亚地区的经济增长之下,东亚共同体构想开始提上日程。对于东亚共同体的建设,东亚各国都各有其构想及自我定位。本文分析了中国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及面,临的现实挑战,梳理了由史至今日本整合东亚的历史及其失败影响,分析了韩国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及现实局限。在缺乏强有力的推动力量下,东亚一体化的未来仍应该以东盟为核心,以＂10＋3＂机制为推动力量,以开放性原则推进东亚共同体的建设。     

东亚共同体:构想与进程

“东亚共同体”作为一种东亚地区整合的构想,它的雏形可以追溯到20世纪90年代的“马哈蒂尔倡议”。亚洲金融危机爆发后,东盟 3合作机制启动,东亚地区合作蓬勃兴起。《东亚展望小组报告》和《东亚研究小组最终报告》系统规划了“东亚共同体”建设的蓝图,日本也提出了自己的设想,马来西亚则是“东亚共同体”构想和进程的持续推动者。     

浅析中国在东亚区域合作中提供公共产品的若干问题

20世纪90年代以来,东亚的区域合作已经取得了显著进展,但强调民族主义和跨国主义并存的东亚新区域主义的发展并不等于东亚一体化的形成,东亚区域合作仍然在不断整合当中.中国作为正在崛起中的大国,在东亚区域合作中担当着重要角色.中国能否在东亚区域合作中提供公共产品,以何种方式提供公共产品,在提供公共产品方面以何为现实依据,这不仅对东亚区域合作的成功与结构整合有重大意义,也将对东亚国际关系乃至整个世界格局产生重大影响.     

东亚货币合作中的美元因素

国际美元本位制使美国获得了主导东亚地区货币政策的软权力,国际美元本位制的"特里芬困境"对于东亚共同货币的构建也存在着难以避免的外部效应.东亚美元化削减了东亚货币合作的所得收益,而强势美元政策使东亚国家面对美元霸权时陷入进退两难境地,从而在一定程度上影响了东亚货币合作最终目标的实现.在东亚货币合作的过程中,一种理想化的共同货币区模式仍然需要不断的发展和完善,如何利用和应对美元的影响则是东亚国家亟待解决的一大问题.     

作为一种思想资源的“东亚——读白永瑞先生的《思想东亚》

东亚人之间在"已知"与"欲知"相互作用下建构的认知与记忆矛盾重重,而朝鲜半岛的分段体制更是东亚范围内一大隐忧。韩国著名学者白永瑞巧妙地将"东亚"置于知识论的论述场域,提出极具创见的"作为知性实验的东亚"和"双重周边的视角",试图探寻去中心的东亚秩序及东亚脉络里的和平。这种新的思想视角和维度对当下审视东亚的历史与现状具有重要的启示价值。     

韩国与东亚地区主义的未来

本文首先回顾了东亚各国签订双边和多边自由贸易协定的历程,认为随着东亚各国相互依赖的加强,东亚的经济一体化将进一步加深,并提出了未来东亚地区主义发展的三种可能方案,进而分析了各种方案可能性的程度。韩国无论在经济领域还是战略方面,都应该在建立东亚合作的进程中发挥重要作用。一定程度上,东盟和韩国在东亚地区自由贸易协定达成的过程中拥有更广阔的空间,同时在中日之间也发挥着协调者和推动者的重要角色。     

试析安倍第二次内阁期间日本与中东关系

安倍第二次执政以后,高度重视与中东的关系,经常出访中东地区。频繁地访问中东,说明了日本对中东地区的高度重视、日本与中东关系的密切和深厚。安倍第二次内阁期间,日本与中东关系的主要内容包括:关注中东和平问题解决、政治与安全保障问题、能源合作、地区与全球等领域的协调与合作。日本深化与中东关系的动因有:确保能源安全、规避地缘政治风险、彰显日本大国影响力、展示文化教育等软实力、奉行平衡外交、居间调停等。鉴于日本自身与地区和国际形势等多种复杂因素,今后继续深化与中东的关系,日本还面临着不少困难与挑战。     

Emerging New East Asian Regionalism

East Asian regionalism is emerging starting with a process of “ASEAN plus three” cooperation and moving to a final East Asian Community. The foundation of East Asian regionalism lies in increasing regional common or shared interests. The significance of East Asian cooperation and integration is its developing process. “10?+?3” framework is not just an economic cooperation process but also has political significance. The process of East Asian cooperation plays a dual role in community building: reconciliation among the countries, and cultivation of each member itself. The major role of regional institutional building is peace making through cooperation under a regional framework. The cooperation between China and Japan is crucial for East Asian Community building.     

East Asia: Chile’s Missed Opportunity?

East Asia is regarded in Chile as an opportunity to achieve economic development, because economic integration would place it in East Asia’s value chains. This article suggests that the results of Chile’s economic strategy toward East Asia, based on trade agreements, have had a predominantly quantitative success. The value of exports toward East Asia has indeed increased impressively. However, the qualitative results are less impressive. These agreements are not adequate to achieve structural change, which would enable the Chilean economy to move along East Asia’s value chains. Statistical evidence confirms that Chile is still reduced to a commodity supplier and at the periphery of the chain. To change this situation, Chile has to design first a strategy of how to offer East Asia goods and services beyond commodities. This means looking beyond trade agreements.     

东帝汶的语言问题及其对教育的影响

东帝汶尽管还很年轻,是个新生的国家,但却有着漫长的历史和独特的文化.作为一个多语言、多民族的国家,东帝汶目前至少有16种本土语言.自2002年独立之后,东帝汶开始建设自己的国家,其中,语言问题不容忽视.本文研究了东帝汶的语言历史和现状,以及语言对其教育的影响.     

东亚文化的基本特征与传播过程中的双向互动性

东亚文化作为一个地区的文化,既具有相对的同质性或整体性,又具有多样性与差异性,它们之间的文化传播又具有双向互动的突出特点。中国文化对日、朝(韩)以及越等东南亚一些国家产生巨大影响,而各具特色的日、朝(韩)以及越等东南亚一些国家的文化对中国文化的发展与影响也不可轻视。当代东亚地区的文化传播与交流迅速发展,成为促进各国现代化建设的巨大动力。树立全球意识和开放观念,继承发展东亚传统的优秀文化,学习、吸收西方和世界其他地区的先进文化,大力增强东亚各国的交流与合作,将为21世纪东亚地区以及全世界的和平与发展做出贡献。     

东亚区域的生产分工、产品需求结构与贸易模式转型

东亚区域生产分工经历了产业间、产业内和产品内三种分工形式以及雁行和生产网络两种分工模式的演进路径,并且影响着东亚区域内产品需求结构的变化。对外部最终产品市场的严重依赖是东亚区域产品需求结构的主要特征,东亚区域外需主导型的贸易模式亟待转型。中国在东亚贸易模式转型过程中将发挥重要的作用。     

中日两国在东亚区域内贸易中地位的变化及其影响

东亚区域内贸易比重的迅速上升是现阶段东亚贸易发展的一个重要特征。中国和日本作为东亚区域内两个最大的经济体,两国在东亚区域内贸易中的地位和影响力的变动对相互之间的经济合作以及区域内经济合作模式的选择,具有十分重大的影响。本文在分析东亚区域内贸易发展现状的基础上,从中间产品和最终产品的贸易结构与贸易竞争压力的角度,分析了中日两国在东亚区域内贸易中地位的变动及其影响。     

外部约束与东亚经济结构转型

长久以来,东亚经济增长一直是在供求要素结构不完备的经济体系下实现的,这一内在缺陷决定了东亚需要借助外部力量才能实现经济增长。外部力量既是东亚外向型经济增长的结构基础,也是影响或控制东亚经济增长的主要制约因素。2008年全球金融危机的爆发预示着有利于东亚经济增长的外部环境发生逆转,迫使东亚开始新一轮的结构调整与转型。而此次结构调整与转型将主要通过对过去经济运行体系特别是市场要素缺失的矫正来实现,以尽可能减少外部力量对经济增长的负面影响。     

The construction of an East Asian order and the limitations of the ASEAN model

An East Asian Summit will be held in Malaysia this December. Like other institutions in the region, the summit will be hosted by ASEAN. Only nations that have signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (or TAC), which sets out the basic principles of ASEAN, will receive an invitation to the summit from ASEAN. This unprecedented summit may become a historic starting point on the path towards the founding of an East Asian community. If so, the TAC may well come to represent the basic principles of the East Asian community. The commitment to peaceful resolution of conflict that is enshrined in the TAC could be expanded from Southeast Asia to East Asia. If a Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in East Asia could be concluded, it would surely constitute a major contribution to peace and prosperity in East Asia. At the same time, however, it is likely that the bedrock principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries—as stipulated in the TAC—would also become a fundamental doctrine of an East Asian community. Even within ASEAN there are some who regard this principle as outdated, as it is used as a pretext for resisting pressure to democratize. If it retains the TAC as its basis, will an East Asian community be able to share the concept of democracy?     

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article: The “Center of the Universe”: The Geopolitics of Iran , by Graham E. Fuller. American Presidents and the Middle East , by George Lemczowski. Cauldron: America in the Middle East , by Barry Rubin. Twin Pillars in Desert Storm: America's Flawed Vision in the Middle East from Nixon to Bush , by Howard Teicher and Gayle Radley Teicher. Original Sins: Reflections on the History of Zionism and Israel , by Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi. The New Palestinians: be Emerging Generation of Leaders , by John Wallach and Janet Wallach. Privatization and Liberalization in the Middle East , edited by Iliya Harik and Denis J. Sullivan. Imaghing the Middle East , by Thierry Hentsch.     

中国东部东南亚研究的复苏、发展及特点

中国东部曾是中国现代东南亚研究的发源地,知名东南亚学者的集中地,首批东南亚研究成果的产生地,有过一段辉煌的历史.在研究力量先后南下北移之后,东部的东南亚研究进入沉寂期.改革开放之后,东部经济的迅猛发展及与东南亚地区经济联系的日益紧密促成了东部东南亚研究的复苏,江苏省东南亚研究会的成立就是一个标志性事件.从此,东部东南亚研究进入了一个发展期并在发展中显现出诸多特点.     

Review essay: Recent books on Indonesia's occupation of East Timor and the East Timorese struggle for self-determination

Abstract

East Timor is the site of one of the great genocides since World War II. Out of a population of about 700,000 at the time of East Timor's brief independence, about 200,000 people have died as a result of the Indonesian invasion and the ensuing war, politically created famine, and the ongoing occupation. From the time of the Indonesian invasion on 7 December 1975 until January 1989 Jakarta kept East Timor closed. Apart from official foreign delegations, some international aid workers, and a limited number of journalists, few were able to enter the territory. On 27 December 1988 the Indonesian authorities accorded East Timor open-territory status following a one-day visit in November to the territory by Indonesian president Suharto. Jakarta was keen on encouraging foreign and “domestic” (Indonesian) investment in its “twenty-seventh province” as well as presenting an image to the outside world of normalcy in East Timor. On both accounts, Jakarta has largely failed in its objectives. The ongoing resistance by the East Timorese people to Indonesian hegemony and the concomitant political instability in East Timor as well as the relative poverty and isolation of the territory have prevented the influx of private capital. In terms of international opinion, the “opening up” of East Timor has not helped to suppress the image of the brutal nature of Indonesia's illegal occupation of the territory.     

韩国FTA政策与东亚区域主义的未来

本文首先阐述了韩国过去与现在的贸易政策,以及韩国FTA政策从区域内向区域外的转变,并分别从国际、地区和国内三个层面详细分析了这一转变的原因。在此基础上,探讨了韩国跨区域自由贸易协定对东亚区域主义的影响。随着更多的亚洲国家签订自由贸易协定,将对东亚区域经济一体化产生积极影响。东亚跨区域自由贸易协定面临的最大挑战是,东亚各国是否有能力来共同协调相互间的利益。