试论当代菲律宾天主教社会行动之肇始

现代天主教社会学说之创立与发展是天主教应对工业革命以来全球政治经济与社会发生深刻变化的重要表现,教会积极的“人世”姿态与实践反映了教会回应现代社会发展及其挑战的世俗化特征与趋势。当代菲律宾天主教会的社会行动,既是现代天主教社会理论推动的结果,更是菲律宾教会面对20世纪初期菲律宾政治经济与社会变迁挑战的自觉回应,它反映了现代菲律宾教会关注民族国家社会现实的本土化与世俗主义趋势,同时也体现了宗教在现代社会参与解决政治经济与社会问题,探索社会发展途径的实践与范式。     

The Ulster Defence Regiment and the Question of Catholic Recruitment, 1970–1972

This article aims to consider the factors which led to a serious under-representation of Catholics within the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) during the Northern Ireland “Troubles.” A considerable number of UDR members were implicated in collusion with loyalist paramilitaries in their targeting of Catholic civilians throughout the conflict. Further, neither the British political nor military establishment made any significant moves towards addressing Catholic grievances regarding the UDR during the crucially formative years of 1970–1972. Despite this, Catholic under-representation has often been discussed with sole or particular reference to Republican paramilitary targeting of Catholic members of the force; this is in order to dissuade any further such involvement on the part of this demographic. The validity of such assertions will be examined in this article, along with a number of other factors which have been hitherto largely underplayed or outright ignored as contributing to this under-representation.     

教会政治与卢旺达大屠杀

在1994年卢旺达大屠杀中,卢旺达基督教教会深深地卷入了这场血腥暴行。教堂成为主要的杀戮场之一,许多教会的神职人员甚至直接参与了对图西人的屠杀。教会之所以支持大屠杀,原因在于从历史上看教会就与国家政权保持密不可分的关系,并且种族歧视和斗争就存在于教会内部。此外,在内战和民主运动兴起的这样一个特殊历史时期,就像政府官员企图利用大屠杀作为保持权力的手段一样,教会也利用大屠杀作为打击竞争对手、应对内部民主化挑战的重要手段。卢旺达大屠杀的实例说明,推进教会民主化的斗争已经成为非洲大陆政治改革运动的重要组成部分。     

Scandals,News Coverage,and the 2006 Congressional Elections

In this study, I examine how the local news media covered members of Congress tied to the Jack Abramoff scandal during the 2006 congressional elections. Previous research suggests heavy coverage of any politicians tied to scandals, particularly during the campaign season. Using a multilevel data analysis approach, I show the local news media strategically considered whether to cover members under suspicion of scandal during the election season taking into account race competitiveness and challengers’ actions. Specifically, local newspapers paid the most attention to the Abramoff scandal when the incumbent was in a competitive race and the challenger was actively pushing the scandal.     

Re-imagining News Values and Labels of Controversies with Reference to Political Scandals

Abstract

Scandals involving heads of state are generally the staple diet of news media. Internationally, the Bill Clinton-Monica Lewinsky scandal and former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi’s “bunga bunga” sex escapades are some of the most memorable. In South Africa, scandals that marred former president Jacob Zuma’s term of office have continued to be the centre of attention long after he resigned as president. During his presidency, Zuma became one of the most covered (reported in the news) leaders across media platforms, in South Africa and beyond. This was largely due to allegations including corruption, his relationship with the Gupta family, and misuse of government funds to renovate his private property. Evoked in the media by various labels of controversy, the media frenzy dominated headlines in South Africa at the time. This article presents an account of how journalists actively construct labels for controversy associated with newsworthiness. The article makes a theoretical link between labels of controversies and news values, and argues that these labels are, in spite of their significance, the most understudied phenomena in mainstream journalism literature today. Fifty-eight news articles were examined by means of content analysis for the labels that journalists constructed.     

Ethnic Elites and Rituals of Provocation: Politicians,Pastors, and Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT

Prominent theories of ethnic conflict argue that instrumental ethnic elites incite violence in order to promote their own power. Yet this approach focuses primarily on political leaders and ignores other ethnic elites, meaning that we know little about how other influential actors think about provocation. In this paper, I present novel data from Northern Ireland on diverse elite attitudes toward polarising Protestant parades with a long history of sparking ethnic violence. Using original surveys of Protestant elected officials and clergy as well as interviews with ex-paramilitaries, this paper demonstrates that these elite groups have different, often competing, interests and opinions regarding contested parades: while politicians tend to support provocative parades, the others do not. By addressing elite actors that are often ignored, I present a more nuanced picture of elite-mass relations and ethnic mobilisation in conflict.     

Social Structure and Citizenship: Examining the Impacts of Social Setting,Network Heterogeneity,and Informational Variables on Political Participation

In this study, we develop a model of the interplay between sociostructural determinants of an individual's discussion behavior, such as the setting of primary discussion networks (work, church, and volunteer groups) and the nature of discussion (i.e., level of exposure to non-like-minded ideas), and individual-level outcomes, such as hard news media use, political knowledge, and participation in political processes. In doing so, we synthesize many of the different and sometimes competing models that political communication scholars have used to examine the link between more macroscopic sociological variables and the individual-level behaviors that political scientists often focus on. Data to test our theoretical model come from a national telephone survey conducted in October and November 2002. Our analysis showed that the social setting in which citizens discuss politics is an important antecedent of political participation. Discussion networks as part of volunteer groups, for example, indeed serve as important networks of recruitment. In other words, discussing politics frequently in this setting is positively and directly linked to political activity. The impact of conversational networks in church and work settings on participation, however, is only indirect. In fact, our data show that the impact of church and work networks on political participation is to a significant degree mediated by the different viewpoints that individuals are exposed to when they discuss politics in these settings.     

菲律宾天主教会的再政治化与战后菲律宾社会转型互动机理研究

二战后,菲律宾天主教会以布道者和政治家的双重身份深刻影响着菲律宾战后社会政治转型,经历了一个与执政当局相互依靠并结盟,善意批评仍合作,最终决裂且抗争,民主监督与制衡的过程。教会无论是被迫“去政治化”还是主动“再政治化”都与菲律宾国内当时的社会、政治主题密切相关。天主教会通过内部的政治动员与外部的政治联盟,对社会转型施加影响力,维护教会的核心利益。     

Principles of Persuasion

Drawing on the literatures on negotiation, communication, and persuasion as well as his research on organizational transformation, the author proposes a framework for understanding and enacting the persuasion process in organizations. He lays out key goals of persuasion and ways that skilled leaders can manage the process. The framework focuses attention on the ways leaders shape perceptions of interests and alternatives, as well as how they persuade one-on-one and from a distance. He also highlights the importance of gaining acceptance of tough, unpopular decisions, noting that the way leaders manage the process can have a major impact on outcomes in such situations.     

Information and repatriation: the case of Mozambican refugees in Malawi

Koser (1993) proposed a research model for examining the interaction between information and repatriation, which focused upon the receipt and evaluation of information about their homes by refugees in exile. That model is presented and tested using interview responses from Mozambican refugees in Malawi sampled in 1992. The goal was to disaggregate refugees' decision-making process in an attempt to understand the repatriation process. Findings are based upon the interview responses of 125 randomly selected refugee household heads, all members of 50 of the households, and local leaders. The study found that such a narrow focus will fail to yield any comprehensive explanation. However, the specific focus upon information was determined to have certain empirical, conceptual, and policy-oriented advantages.     

17世纪末法国与暹罗外交的斡旋者-塔查尔

大航海时代的开启让欧洲君主的视野由陆地面向海洋，而在整个扩张过程中，法国作为在西、葡、荷之后崛起的欧洲新势力，从17世纪逐步向亚洲渗透，并希望取而代之。法国抓住暹罗主动示好的机会首次向其派遣了使团，虽未取得预期的成功，但在塔查尔的推动下，路易十四决定继续坚持下去。塔氏怀着使整个暹罗改宗的理想，脱离了赴华传教团，一生5次往返于欧亚大陆之间以推动两国外交，最后他的事业却以失败而告终。虽然17世纪末法国在暹罗的种种活动已经体现出了它的殖民主义野心，但从塔查尔的主观来看，他所做的一切努力依然只是为了传播福音，拯救生灵。     

简论近代欧洲在东南亚殖民扩张中的宗教政策与传教活动

本文简单考察了近代几个主要欧洲殖民强国西班牙、葡萄牙、法国、荷兰与英国在东南亚扩张活动的宗教政策与传教活动,比较了早期欧洲列强在殖民扩张中的特点与差异。     

Systemic interaction opportunities and war behavior∗

State leaders must often address domestic and foreign-policy concerns simultane-ously, though doing so can be complicated and risky. One way in which leaders can seek to satisfy domestic demands and pursue foreign policy goals simultaneously is by implementing policies that complement one another; i.e., the implementation of one policy influences the ease with which the other policy can be implemented. For instance, one manner in which leaders can placate domestic audiences is via distributive policies such as social insurance payments that provide economic security to individuals. By providing economic security guarantees, leaders may gain greater discretion over other policy areas, including foreign policy. However, while the social insurance effort may satisfy an audience and enable a leader to take foreign- policy action, especially high payment levels may indicate that a leader must devote an inordinate portion of his budget to domestic concerns, making foreign policy more difficult to implement. Thus, guarantees of economic security might provide leaders with greater foreign policy latitude until domestic expenditures reach sufficient levels that foreign-affairs budgets are reduced. We employ zero-inflated event count models to estimate the relationship between social-insurance levels and the number of Militarized Interstate Disputes in which states engage. Our analyses include 69 states between 1975 and 1990. Our models support the hypothesis that lower levels of social insurance lead to greater numbers of disputes, but that, after a certain level of insurance effort is passed, dispute involvement declines. Our findings suggest a differential effect of social insurance on a leader's ability to act in the foreign policy arena and support the notion that leaders may employ the welfare state to enhance their foreign-policy capabilities, though they appear to meet with conditional and limited success.     

An innovative approach to building stronger coalitions: the Net-Map Toolbox

A common challenge faces development organisations, from the highest policy-making circles to local, grassroots organisations: how to work with other groups to build stronger partnerships and achieve consensus on goals? This article describes the Net-Map Toolbox, a new tool which builds and expands upon existing social-networking approaches. The article highlights the experience of using the Toolbox with the White Volta Basin Board in Ghana, a multi-stakeholder organisation responsible for overseeing local water resources. The authors discuss how the Net-Map Toolbox can assist members of development-oriented organisations to better understand and interact with each other in situations where many different actors can influence the outcome.     

Leaderless Resistance,Networked Organization,and Ideological Hegemony

This article examines various forms of “new terrorism,” specifically the structure of “leaderless resistance,” in connection with Robert Michels’ idea of the “iron law of oligarchy.” It is usually argued that “leaderless resistance” movements lack some of the typical obstacles of terrorist (and other) organizations, given their non-hierarchical and comparatively fluid natures. However, a new form of oligarchy develops in this type of movement, located in the propagation of key ideological concepts/arguments/symbols, the assigning of target preferences, and the elevation or demotion of others within the movement broadly. Rather than oligarchy forming via the material assets of organizations, an “ideational” oligarchy is created that shapes the goals of leaderless resistance movements: those leaders who are already established, and who control the means of communicating the movement's ideas to the widest audience, will impede the growth of groups and individuals within the movement that attempt to supplant their role. This article will use the examples of certain eco-terror groups (the Animal Liberation Front and the Earth Liberation Front) to explicate this development.     

俄罗斯在八国集团中的异质性评析

2002年饿罗斯艰难地加入八国集团,但是它与其他成员之间的矛盾重重,在八国集团中的异质性表现越来越突出.八国集团的目标是"自由贸易和民主",根据欧洲智库外交政策中心制定的评估体系进行考核可以发现:俄罗斯的经济规模不利于其加入G8;根据1975年G6成立宣言中列出的承诺与原则,俄罗斯在政治上和经济上都不算是民主和自由的;饿罗斯成为G8成员国是不符合常规的;其他的G8成员国也必须制定出具体的政策,以促使俄罗斯实现其承诺.     

The Effects of Political Talk Radio On Political Attitude Formation: Exposure Versus Knowledge

The effects of political news on the mass audience are usually difficult to establish empirically. Recent models of mass communication effects have held that political knowledge is a better indicator of media reception than traditional measures of exposure. This claim is tested in two studies of attitudes toward Democratic and Republican leaders during the 1996 U.S. presidential primary campaigns. The impact of messages from three types of political talk radio (PTR) is examined: Rush Limbaugh, other conservative hosts, and liberal/moderate hosts. Political knowledge and exposure to talk radio are found to be equally good predictors of attitudes toward political leaders when studied separately. However, when tested against one another, exposure is the more effective measure. Agreement between Rush Limbaugh's messages and his audience's attitudes toward political figures is consistent and strong. Biased processing of PTR content by audience members with partisan predispositions contrary to those of the host is also examined.     

Development theatre and the process of re-empowerment: the Gibeon story

This article discusses the importance of empowerment to development and describes the use of Theater for Development (TFD) as a technique to build empowerment in a disadvantaged agricultural community. The Community Listening Theatre (CLT) was created by the Rural-People's Institute for Social Empowerment (RISE), a nongovernmental organization working to empower landless communal farmers. CLT/TFD activities help new community groups coalesce and identify and address social constraints. Because indigenous cultural traditions had been overpowered by the influence of the Christian Church, the framework for CLT was based on the theory of Augusto Boal's interactive Forum Theatre in which a protagonist acts out a prepared scene and makes choices that lead to his demise. The audience then becomes actors by replaying key scenes to effect a more positive outcome. The plays that developed address problems related to self-oppression in the face of traditional leaders, the plight of farm laborers, and impediments to creating pit latrines. The dramatic group became so empowered that they claimed a small piece of abandoned land to create a communal chicken farm. Eventually members of this group joined forces with members of activity groups from neighboring communities to form a YES (Youth Enterprise Support Scheme) troupe that won prizes for its work. Over time, a specific RISE/CLT formula emerged, but it would be disempowering to believe that this formula would be readily replicable because no universal formula exists and empowerment comes from within.     

The Post-Coup Military Spending Question Revisited, 1960–2000

Do military regimes spend more on the military than other regime types? All leaders cater to their winning coalition. For military leaders, core supporters are other members of the military. To solicit support from this group, first, leaders are persuaded to spend more on the military to ensure their political survival, while other autocratic leaders tend to view the military as a competing power center. Second, the cost of repressing challenges from the public in military regimes is cheaper than in other regimes; therefore, leaders in military regimes allocate more resources to the military to satisfy them. We test this argument by examining military spending in different regime types for 1960–2000. The empirical results from Prais-Winsten regression with panel-corrected standard errors indicate that military regimes allocate more, on average, to the military than other regimes and that military rulers brought into power through military coups or who have experienced military coup attempts against them increase their military resource allocation.     

Democratization and the secularization of religious parties: the case of Mexico

Under what conditions does democratization erode religious political engagement? The dramatic democratic transitions in the Catholic world during the last quarter of the twentieth century have been accompanied by the widespread decline of Catholic political parties, but the interaction between democratizing reforms and the development of religious parties in the Catholic world remains poorly understood. This article analyses the crucial case of Mexico to explore if, how, and under what conditions electoral participation encourages the differentiation of religious and partisan activism. Relying on archival research and an original data set describing the religious linkages of 302 historic and contemporary leading members of the PAN, Mexico's largest Catholic-inspired party, this article shows that democratization is only indirectly linked to the secularization of religious parties, and its effects are conditional on the resources and opportunities available to religious activists.