“发现汉语”及其“天下精神”

19世纪末期,以西方国家为中心和参照的现代化进程的铺展和中国国家制度的疾速衰竭,使汉语在世界语言的中心地位也发生了颠覆式的位移,逐渐滑落到边缘地位,"汉字文化圈"也呈现出破裂的态势。21世纪,中国在政治、经济、文化各方面的现代化实践及其重大转型,为汉语的复兴和精神重建提供了一种可能性。在这种全新的时代语境和历史背景下,将重新"发现汉语"及其"天下精神"作为一种新的文化命题,这意味着以西方文化为轴心的单向度的世界文化秩序,面临着巨大的危机。以汉语复兴为切入点,中国文化将成为解构文化帝国主义的重要力量,并提供了一种可能性。同时,在重新"发现汉语"的过程中,我们应该在吸收其他语言文化资源的同时,坚持汉语及其文化形态的输出立场,摒弃中西文化之间的二元对立思维模态,建构一种语言的"天下精神",从而使汉语在文化全球化中发出中国的声音。     

新时代中国国际秩序观：认知、政策取向与实现路径（英文）

The Chinese view of international order in the new era reflects China's cultural characteristics and historical experience, and is an organic combination of its local concern and global vision, and of its traditional and modern values. It offers new options to countries and peoples around the world who wish to seek development while maintaining their independence, and thus contributes Chinese experience and wisdom to national and global governance.     

日本近代华侨教育的“中日因素”

世界近代华侨教育起源于日本,这与当时中国国内外的形势,日本华侨社会状况紧密相关。本文探讨了19世纪初20世纪末日本近代华侨教育的历史起源,分析了该时期日本近代华侨教育形成的历史背景,并阐述了该时期日本近代华侨教育形成的历史特点。     

A Harmonious World and China＇s New Diplomacy

The concept of"a harmonious world,"a phrase used by the incumbent leadership of China to encapsulate China's diplomatic goals,has become a new guideline for China's diplomatic activities.By applying this concept, Chinese diplomacy has taken a new turn,pushing China into a new and powerful role in world affairs.China's diplomatic effort,however still faces numerous problems,challenges and risks,requiring the Chinese leadership to refine the concept of"harmonious world"through creative thinking and application.     

Cultural Diplomacy and a Harmonious World

The cultural diplomacy of China today has entered into a period of rapid development. Yet there is still much room for improvement in promoting China＇s new diplomatic thinking. In step with China＇s growing economy and increased weight in international affairs, the Chinese government has changed its diplomatic strategy to ＂building a harmonious world.＂ To make this concept more attractive and acceptable to other countries and peoples, China should expand its soft power resources, strengthen international cultural exchanges to draw on the fine achievements of foreign cultures, enhance the influence of Chinese culture worldwide, exploit new channels for international cultural exchanges, develop its cultural industry, and improve its comprehensive power.     

China''s Military Diplomacy

Since the end of the Cold War, China＇s military diplomacy has displayed an omni-directional and multi-level form, and with an increasing transparency which has increased trust and reduced doubt. China has enhanced its conventional military functions and strengthened its military soft power. This has helped China develop into a responsible state on the world stage. Through military exchanges with other countries, the Chinese military has gradually strengthened its ability to undertake a variety of tasks. The Chinese military has to make greater efforts to counter the perception of a ＂China threat.＂ There is also a need to establish a system of military spokesmen and to develop a theory of military diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.     

China’s cultural and intellectual rejuvenation

China has emerged as a new economic power and its impacts are felt in many parts of the world. However, the rise of China is likely to make an even more enduring contribution to the world if its economic growth is accompanied by a cultural and intellectual rejuvenation. Such kind of rejuvenation has happened before in Chinese history and the history of other countries. At present, we are seeing early stages of the cultural revival. Though the prospects appear good, it remains open whether China will be able to see the full development of the Chinese Enlightenment. Much of it depends on the vision and commitment of the Chinese intellectuals, other social strata and the Chinese government.     

The West that is not in the West: identifying the self in Oriental modernity

This paper discusses the meaning of ‘the West’ in Chinese and Japanese political discourse. It argues that for Japanese and Chinese political thinkers, the West does not exist in the West. Rather, the West is sometimes at the periphery and, at other times, at the centre. For them, ‘the Chinese’ is about the epistemology of all-under-heaven. There is no such concept as ‘Other’ in this epistemology. As a result, modern Western thinkers depend on opposing the concrete, historical, yet backward Other to pretend to be universal, while Chinese and Japanese thinkers concentrate on self-rectification to compete for the best representative of ‘the Chinese’ in world politics. ‘The Chinese’ is no more than an epistemological frame that divides the world into the centre and the periphery. In modern times, the Japanese have accepted Japan as being at the periphery of world politics, while the West is at the centre. To practise self-rectification is to simulate the West. The West is therefore not the geographical West, but at the centre of Japanese selfhood. Self-knowledge produced through Othering and that through self-rectification are so different that the universal West could not make sense of the all-under-heaven way of conceptualizing the West.     

携手同心，共担责任，努力推动构建人类命运共同体（英文）

In this fast-changing world, President Xi's vision of a community with a shared future has pointed the way forward for our world. To translate it into reality, countries need to work together and they each do their part for the sake of future generations. China will continue to shoulder its responsibilities as a promoter of world peace, contributor to global development, and upholder of the international order.     

中国古代经典联盟思想论纲

春秋战国时期，先秦思想家对诸侯国之间频繁的联盟行为进行了仔细观察和认真思考，这些思考构成中国古代经典联盟思想的核心内容。中国古代经典联盟思想既有在有关联盟功能、联盟生成等方面与现代西方联盟理论相一致的地方，又有在联盟的目的性以及“非”联盟思想方面显示着中国文化特性和价值追求的独到认识。与现代西方联盟理论相比较，前者赋予联盟行为以极强的道德意味，并已高度内化于中国的联盟实践中；后者则更重视联盟对“均势”的影响。前者主要从抽象的道德角度论述联盟的目的和价值，后者则是用工具理性去看待联盟行为与联盟现象的；前者虽然提出“非”联盟的思想观念，但并未给出除“自强”与“中立”之外其他更具想象力的实践方案，后者虽没有实质性地论及该问题，但却在理论上给出了有可能超越联盟政治的某种实践路径。中国古代经典联盟思想最终虽未像西方联盟思想那样发展成完备的理论形态，但依然以丰富的思想性和对后世中国的深刻影响彰显了自身价值。     

China in the global migration order—historical perspectives and new trends

China has a long history of internal and international migration and has a significant number of diasporas around the globe. From being predominately a country of emmigration, China has now witnessed growing rates of return migration, due to its rising economic status in the world. This article seeks to provide a historical review of international migration from China in different periods, from ancient China to after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. It also examines the recent trends of new waves of Chinese migration such as student migration to Europe and touches on issues of government policy and the role of overseas diasporas in the course of Chinese history. By analysing a wide range of data, including published statistics and published papers, this paper illustrates the evolution of changing patterns of international migration from China and its impact for China on the rest of the world.     

新时代中国特色大国外交“特”在何处?

新时代中国特色大国外交由新时代、中国特色和大国外交三部分组成。对于新时代的含义,党的十九大报告已经做出了明确的表述。大国外交的研究,历来是国际关系学界关注的重点,但对于什么是“中国特色”,学术界似乎着墨极少。所谓中国特色,就是指中国独有而其他国家没有或罕有的某些环境、指导思想、操作原则和具体抓手。本文探讨了新时代中国特色大国外交的“独特”之处。中国特色大国外交是在百年未有之大变局这一独特外部环境中展开的,其指导思想是作为新时代中国特色社会主义思想重要组成部分的习近平外交思想,采取了结伴不结盟这一独特的外交原则,以及“一带一路”倡议这一独特的工作抓手。中国特色大国外交有三个独特的理论来源:中国特色社会主义道路、中国传统文化和新中国外交传统。明确新时代中国特色大国外交“特”在何处,有助于我们总结和把握中国特色大国外交理论和实践的发展,有助于我们理解中国外交总体布局,有助于我们观察和分析当前和今后一个时期中国外交政策的走向。     

Culture,knowledge and diplomacy in contemporary EU–China relations—reflections on the legacies of Matteo Ricci

The worlds that Matteo Ricci lived in—early modern Europe, Ming China and the pre-Westphalian international order—are vastly different from the world of the 21^st century, when accelerated globalization binds China and Europe together as never before and when global international society is moving decisively beyond Westphalia. How much are the legacies of Matteo Ricci still relevant, 400 years on, to enriching the relationship between China and Europe in the 21^st century? This paper starts with a brief overview of the civilizational encounters between China and Europe and the unfolding of their turbulent and often troubled relationship over the last four centuries of wars, collapse of empires, internal convulsions, nation-state building, scientific and industrial revolutions and great economic transformations. Against this historical narrative is the discussion of Matteo Ricci as a cultural agent, a knowledge broker and a practitioner of public diplomacy in fostering Sino–European relations in its nascent years. The paper argues that even in an increasingly globalized world, Matteo Ricci’s conception of culture, his wisdom about the power of knowledge and his practice of people-to-people diplomacy remain valuable in informing both China and the EU, two aspiring global players, in their search for a viable China–EU strategic partnership.     

Africa and the New World Order-The Role of China in Africa''s Regeneration

Sino-African relations, economic relation in particular, are developing steadily when the continent is trying to rejuvenate. During this process, China is not trying to overthrow the western order. It is more about how to reconcile China＇s scientific pragmatic foreign policy with western humanitarian interventionism. An inclusive world system will be better managed by striking a balance between Chinese pragmatism and U.S. idealism.     

Sixty years of Sino-Afghan relations

Afghanistan and the People's Republic of China (PRC) established diplomatic relations in 1955. Since that time, the changing relationship of China with Afghanistan has mirrored those of the PRC with other nation states. What began as an attempt by the PRC to establish international legitimacy for its new government and to offer third-world nations a socialist-communist path other than following the Soviet Union turned into a quest for natural resources. Using a variety of primary sources, including recently declassified intelligence files, secondary sources and open source material, this article traces the development of this changing relationship, demonstrating how it has complemented or complicated the United States' relationship with Afghanistan. It also shows how changing world events have affected the Chinese perception of the role Afghanistan can play in its foreign policy. The article concludes with a presentation of what role China is playing and can play in Afghanistan today, ending with a discussion of the dangers that the PRC faces in its current relations with Afghanistan, especially with regard to its ever-changing relationship with the United States.     

Explaining incumbent re-election in authoritarian elections: evidence from a Chinese county

Despite the burgeoning comparative literature on authoritarian elections, less is known about the dynamics of competition in authoritarian subnational elections where opposition is not allowed to organize into parties. Local elections without partisan competition in single-party authoritarian regimes provide considerable advantages to the incumbents and may well turn the incumbent advantage common in liberal democracies into incumbent dominance. What economic factors can break incumbent dominance in such competition without parties? With quantitative and qualitative evidence from grassroots elections in China, this article illustrates that economic growth and industrial economic structure offering more economic autonomy help to break incumbent dominance and increase the prospects of successful challenge to incumbency by non-party outsiders. The examination of the findings in a broad context in China and against the backdrop of local democratization in the developing world suggests that though we may observe successful challenge to incumbency, liberalization of the political system requires not only competition, but also a relatively autonomous economy to sustain liberalization prospects. The findings contribute to the literature on electoral authoritarianism, subnational democratization and China’s grassroots elections.     

Japan's security policy in relation to normal statehood

The paper begins by establishing the context in which Japan's normal statehood will be based. The paper shows how difficult it is for Japan to attain the status of a normal state based on the country's political forces and the rising powers in the Asian region. The paper looks at the relationships between Japan and other nations like China and South Korea, which should be considered by Japan in order to attain normal statehood. These are countries that initially were under the control of Japan, especially in business and even militarily, but today they are assuming their own position in the world; an aspect that is considered a threat to Japan's smooth return to normalcy. The paper takes into consideration the models that Japan can adopt or adapt to attain the status of a normal state. The three models discussed are those of Britain, Germany, and France. The main aspect discussed under these models is autonomy; this is based on the fact that Japan can only attain the status of a normal state if it becomes autonomous.     

去霸权化:海洋命运共同体叙事下新型海权的时代趋势

海洋命运共同体是中国倡导的一种海洋叙事。海洋叙事是塑造海洋秩序与海权及捍卫海洋权益的话语体系。中国的海洋叙事一直较为式微,特别是中国海权在世界海洋叙事体系内常常处于被西方海权"代表"的状态。这严重影响着中国对历史性海洋权益的维护。海洋命运共同体作为人类命运共同体的有机组成部分及其在海洋领域的发展,叙述着一种去霸权化的新型海权与新型海洋秩序,是海权从垄断走向共享、从传统走向新型的分水岭。在海洋命运共同体叙事下,中国海权的发展趋向是有别于传统海权的新型海权,是一种去霸权化的治海权,而非零和式海洋霸权。由于传统海权的惯性以及美国海洋霸权的主导,新型海权及其观念若要形成普适性共识,尚面临诸多挑战,但去霸权化的新型海权必将成为未来海权的时代趋势。     

Command,Strategic Contest,and Confidence-building in the South China Sea

Wealth and power have steered global prestige from East to West and back again. History's serial relocations of economic growth and corollary power changed the character of the South China Sea into a conflictual conduit for Eastern and then Western colonialism, a strategic sea space in world war, and now a cockpit of contest to maintain or revise the rules-based international order. For the first time in several centuries, a Chinese blue water navy is projecting power across the Indo-Pacific and prosecuting a national maritime security strategy to transform the South China Sea into China's sovereign territory. In large part, the winner of the Sino-American struggle for preponderance in the South China Sea will steer the course of the twenty-first century in the Indo-Pacific.     

新形势下开拓俄罗斯市场的思考

中国入世和俄罗斯加快入世步伐对中国企业发展与俄罗斯经贸合作提供了新的机遇。如果说拥有世界人口1/5的中国的加盟使WTO更具世界性的话，那么，占地球陆地面积1/9的俄罗斯的入世将会使WTO的版图大大扩张，更具全球性。近两年来，中俄经贸合作已经渡过了磨合期，进入了快车道。不久前，国家召开了对俄经贸工作会议，会后即将出台《进一步发展对俄经贸合作的意见》，制定一系列鼓励中俄经贸合作的政策措施，为中俄经贸合作创造有利条件，也为我省进一步开拓俄罗斯市场提供了新的机遇。我们要发挥优势，充满信心，积极开拓进取，大手笔做出大文章，为加快我省经济发展和搞好全国对俄合作做出更大的贡献。