Dilemmas in Policy Support for the Arts and Cultural Sector

This article questions the specific challenges that the management of culture poses for government.² Unlike some ‘public good’ policy domains, such as prisons, defence or infrastructure, or benefit provisions such as unemployment, disability or health measures, the complex area of cultural policy cannot be justified in instrumental terms as an essential ‐ or unavoidable ‐ policy of government. Nonetheless, the cultural lobby is an effective and indefatigable pressure on government. The area of culture is just one small component of the public agenda that governments are obliged to support. Given other pressing portfolios, why do governments continue to take an interest in culture? Moreover, recent government policies seem to be setting up problems for the future such that governments will find it hard if not impossible to extricate themselves from a problematic relationship. So, what is the hold that culture has over governments? Traditionally, the answer seemed to be a combination of boosterism and cultural capital. Governments liked to bask in the reflected glory of cultural success believing that it contributed to their legitimacy and cultural competence. The glow of elite culture was seen to rub off onto political incumbents and their regimes. But in an age of pressures on government to justify public expenditure and meet accountability regimes, cultural support continues to appear on the funding agenda and governments continue to become embroiled in debates about competing support formulae. This relates to both the nature of ‘culture’ and broader definitions under the banner of ‘cultural policy’ as well as the nature of the sector which is, at once, elitist, institutionalized, commercial, highly specialist, niche and industry ‐ all premised on intangible nature of ‘creativity’. Paradoxically, contrary to other trends in public policy, arts and cultural funding has reverted to forms of patronage as the centrepiece of broadly defined policies of access, equity and self‐sufficiency. How has this policy portfolio managed to buck the trends of other domains of government attention? This article attempts to open some new ways of examining the question.³     

Public Support for Environmental Policy in Finland: Cultural Interpretations of Survey Results

This article studies what the Finnish people think about environmental policy and the policy instruments in use. It describes the main features of the public legitimacy of the environmental policy. The survey results are interpreted using a cultural approach, a concept of 'veil of insignificance' and some ideas of risk society theory. The Inglehartian theory of postmaterialist values is also discussed. The Finns actively support environmental policy when it concerns industry, businesses and landowners, but when the policy instruments interfere with people's own lives their support decreases radically. The article argues that the reasons for these contradictory attitudes are more complex than the freerider theory supposes. According to international surveys made during the 1990s, the Finns are less concerned about environmental problems than are people in other European countries. The article argues, for cultural and historical reasons, the Finns have a strong ecological self-identity which can in some conditions hinder the development of more ecological attitudes.     

In Search of True Public Arts Support

Most of the debate over government arts support focuses on direct subsidies to nonprofit arts organizations. In this article, however, I show that a much larger amount of public sector money comes from indirect aid, in the form of tax revenues forgone on tax-deductible contributions by individuals. Specifically, every dollar in direct federal arts funding is accompanied by about $14 in indirect aid. Analysis of the 1996 General Social Survey shows that private givers and supporters of direct government aid fit different demographic profiles, meaning that direct and indirect funding owe to distinct constituencies. These findings lead to a number of implications for nonprofit and public arts managers.

It is sometime proper for the state to encourage and protect dishonorable but useful professions, without those who exercise them being more highly considered for that.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau ¹

     

从公众话语走向政策话语:一项政策问题建构的话语分析

20世纪60年代以来,后实证主义逐渐兴起并演化成为一种潮流。与实证主义所强调的科学主义和工具理性所不同,后实证主义将价值多元和建构主义引入自己的视域。在这种背景下,话语模式也从以前的"实在论"转向"建构论",它要求人们以一种积极的姿态去感受、认知、体验和创建世界。在"建构论"视角下,公共政策的建构与传统的科学理性主义主导下自上而下的创设有所不同,它本质上是一种自下而上的话语建构过程,因此成为一项理解政策问题建构的新路径。那么,现实世界中公众话语是如何建构成为政策话语的?我们寻访了四个方面的理论线索:存在一个话语能量场、公众话语的演进过程、形成话语联盟以及话语自身的价值追求,在此基础上初步勾勒出政策问题话语建构的分析框架。     

World Bank Support for Public Financial Management and Procurement: From Theory to Practice

The advice provided by the World Bank on improving public financial management and procurement is influenced by debates on theory and practice in developed and developing countries. This article touches on some of the highlights of these debates, drawing from the indicative literature mainly since 1990 from scholars and practitioners. It goes on to examine the Bank's diagnostic work, design, and implementation of project and policy support in this area. It also assesses evidence of outcomes and attribution, and ends with questions for further research.     

Introduction: Understanding Public Policy through Its Instruments—From the Nature of Instruments to the Sociology of Public Policy Instrumentation

Public policy instrumentation and its choice of tools and modes of operation are treated either as a kind of evidence (governing means making regulations, taxing, entering into contracts, communicating, etc.) or as if the questions it raises (the properties of instruments, justifications for choosing them, their applicability, etc.) are part of a rationality of methods without any autonomous meaning. This paper aims to explain the significance of a political sociology approach to public policy instruments in accounting for processes of public policy change: (1) public policy instrumentation is a major issue in public policy, since it reveals a (fairly explicit) theorization of the relationship between the governing and the governed: every instrument constitutes a condensed form of knowledge about social control and ways of exercising it; and (2) instruments at work are not neutral devices: they produce specific effects, independently of the objective pursued (the aims ascribed to them), which structure public policy according to their own logic.     

府际关系视角下的对口支援系列政策

对口支援是具有中国特色的帮扶政策,对口支援与对口帮扶、对口协作、对口合作组成了对口支援的政策系列。系列对口支援政策在实施过程中建立了支援地区与受援地区之间人为的联系,这实际上扩展了府际关系的范畴。从府际关系的视角来看,系列对口支援政策建立了新型的央地关系,扩展了横向间的政治、经济联系,丰富了府际关系的内涵和形式。     

Explaining Public Support for Counterproductive Homelessness Policy: The Role of Disgust

Federal, state, and city governments spend substantial funds on programs intended to aid homeless people, and such programs attract widespread public support. In recent years, however, state and local governments have increasingly enacted policies, such as bans on panhandling and sleeping in public, that are counterproductive to alleviating homelessness. Yet these policies also garner substantial support from the public. Given that programs aiding the homeless are so popular, why are these counterproductive policies also popular? We argue that disgust plays a key role in the resolution of this puzzle. While disgust does not decrease support for aid policies or even generate negative affect towards homeless people, it motivates the desire for physical distance, leading to support for policies that exclude homeless people from public life. We test this argument using survey data, including a national sample with an embedded experiment. Consistent with these expectations, our findings indicate that those respondents who are dispositionally sensitive to disgust are more likely to support exclusionary policies, such as banning panhandling, but no less likely to support policies intended to aid homeless people. Furthermore, media depictions of the homeless that include disease cues activate disgust, increasing its impact on support for banning panhandling. These results help explain the popularity of exclusionary homelessness policies and challenge common perspectives on the role of group attitudes in public life.     

Searching for a National Policy on the Arts

There have always been United States policies on the arts. Some of the nation's founding fathers envisioned federal support for the arts. Congress maintained the Constitution did not empower it to “encourage” the arts, but enacted legislation addressing acknowledged national concerns that also regulated the arts, employed artists, acquired artworks, and created cultural institutions. These uncoordinated de facto arts policies provided models for future action on arts-related matters. The federal government's failure to address the arts more directly produced a contentious environment for the nation's artists, leaving them to feel disenfranchised. Advocates’ attempting to gain parity for artists and the arts gave rise to a national movement in the 1930s that continued into the 1960s, and constituted the pregovernmental agenda for the National Foundations on the Arts and the Humanities Act of 1965.     

从文化多样性到文化生产力

全球化将我们抛入一种全新的生存境遇之中,在拓宽文化视野并形成世界文化共享的同时,也使文化多样性的生成与存在受到威胁.在文化生产力日益显在的当下,保护文化多样性成为解放和发展文化生产力的前提和保障.     

Public Support for Climate Change Policy: Consistency in the Influence of Values and Attitudes Over Time and Across Specific Policy Alternatives

This study examines the factors that explain public preferences for a set of climate change policy alternatives. While scholarly work indicates a relationship between attitudes and values on views toward specific issues, the literature often examines general support for issues rather than specific policy proposals. Consequently, it is unclear the extent to which these attitudes and values affect specific policy considerations. This project examines public support for five climate change policy options in two national surveys taken three years apart. The empirical analysis reveals that time is a factor and that those who are liberal, have strong ecological values, report greater concern for climate change, and trust experts are consistently more supportive of the climate policy options considered here. The results shed new light on the nuanced views of the American public toward climate change.     

Seeking to Inspire Public Policy Analysts

The 1997 Public Policy Network Conference was held at Melbourne University's Centre for Public Policy. John Chesterman, one of the organisers, provides a taste of the debates.
The 1998 Public Policy Network Conference will be held at Victoria University, Wellington, on 29 and 30 January. Enquires or offers of papers may be forwarded to Dr RJ Gregory (e-mail Bob.Gregory@vuw.ac.nz ).     

Networked Coproduction of Public Services in Virtual Communities: From a Government‐Centric to a Community Approach to Public Service Support

Research on and practical attention for the coproduction of public services is increasing. Coproduction is seen as a way to strengthen the quality and legitimacy of public service and reduce costs. Scholarship on coproduction of public services repeatedly ignores the role of the new media. This is surprising since many proponents highlight its potential for changing traditional, government‐centric approaches to delivering public services. This article shows that digital communities form an important addition to the government‐centric form of public service provision since they foster both an exchange of experiential information and social‐emotional support.     

Does Public Policy Crowd Out Private Contributions to Public Goods

It is sometimes claimed that individuals' contributions topublic goods are not motivated by economic costs and benefitsalone, but that people also have a moral or norm-basedmotivation. A number of studies indicate that such moral ornorm-based motivation might be crowded out, or crowded in, bypublic policy. This paper discusses some models that can yieldinsight into the interplay between economic and moral ornorm-based motivation for voluntary contributions to publicgoods, and compares their policy implications. We distinguishbetween five types of models: Altruism models, social normmodels, fairness models, models of commitment and thecognitive evaluation theory.     

Policy Consulting and Public Policy

The changing nature of governance in Australia over the last two decades has given rise to a broad range of new strategies to review the development and delivery of government policies and programs. Key factors affecting the relationship between citizens and the state have been the deregulation and liberalisation of the Australian economy, with its focus on the market for the delivery of services, once the exclusive domain of public sector organisations. The increased use of consultants over this period is an example of governments going to the market for professional services. Effective policy development and review by consultants requires that they be well versed both in the substantive issues surrounding the policy field as well as in the process required to properly frame and evaluate these issues.     

公共政策变迁的过程理论及其阐释

公共政策变迁是人类社会基本的正式制度变迁模式,是围绕集体行动而开展的自发的或通过人为安排的秩序演进过程。政策变迁除了呈现为政策时滞、政策博弈、政策演进三个结构性逻辑外,还表现为政策失效、政策创新、政策均衡三个阶段性逻辑。任何一项公共政策的变迁都可能无法回避均衡—失效—创新—均衡这种方程式循环。因此,研究公共政策变迁的过程理论对于理解和掌握政策变迁的内在规律具有重要的理论意义和应用价值。     

Principles for Public Management Practice: From Dichotomies to Interdependence

In this essay we explore the relationship between management practices and a basic governance dilemma: how to manage flexibly and accountably. The challenge is both practical and theoretical. Managers must respond flexibly to the changing demands and expectations of the public and the ever-changing nature of public problems, yet they must do so in a manner that provides accountability to the public and political overseers. A dichotomous approach to the study of leadership as management action and the governance structures within which managers operate has inhibited the search for a public management theory that reconciles the dilemma. Emphasis upon managers as leaders typically focuses on the flexible actions managers might take to overcome structural "barriers," while emphasis upon governance structures typically focuses on the essential role of structure in ensuring accountability and restraining or motivating particular management efforts. The practicing manager, however, cannot deal with these aspects of the work separately. Managers must attend to demands for both flexible leadership action and structures that promise accountability. Anecdotal evidence provides illustrations of some of the ways that managers can integrate these demands. We suggest that these efforts point to an alternative theoretical framework that understands action and structure as mutually constitutive, creating a dynamic tension in which attention to one requires attention to the other.