The Pedigrees of Post-Colonial Governors 1966–2003

This article discusses the under-researched topic of Austro-Hungarian foreign policy towards Albania during the First World War. It argues firstly that Albania's location was geo-strategically vital to both Austria-Hungary and Italy, and that only co-operation helped keep Albania's neutrality intact and generally protected the country against its hostile neighbours. The analysis then outlines that when the Austro–Italian alliance broke down in 1915, Austria-Hungary attempted to secure Albania's neutrality as a means of exercising indirect control over the country. Finally, once Central Power troops conquered most of Albania, the highest civil-military echelon in Vienna suffered serious strains as the Foreign Ministry attempted to retain Albanian independence and neutrality whilst the army desired its annexation. The Albanian neutrality case study is a prime example of a state unable to ensure or even influence its own neutrality by force, diplomacy, or the trade of vital resources, and whose geo-political position made control of the region vital. Drawing upon Hungarian and German-language sources, this article addresses a striking omission in First World War Balkan historiography, discusses a forgotten neutrality example, and provides insights into Austro-Hungarian policymaking towards this vital Adriatic territory.     

Neutrality Regimes

Abstract

I analyze a model of war expansion in the shadow of international law, where neutrality regimes emerge as equilibria in which only aggressive states are expected to violate the law. By sorting belligerents according to their ambitions (restrained or aggressive), neutrality regimes can help resolve third-party uncertainty over the desirability of balancing. Punishment for violations of the law emerges in equilibrium from self-interested power calculations absent any principled legal commitment. The model shows that (a) neutrality regimes can be effective not despite but because of inconsistent compliance; (b) strong third parties are uniquely prone to failures to balance under neutrality regimes; and (c) ratification of neutrality regimes can be facilitated by mutual and severe mistrust. Neutrality regimes need not be epiphenomenal to power politics; rather, they can support balance-of-power systems.     

Neutrality: A Guide for the Organizational Ombudsperson

Like dispute resolution practitioners in other arenas, organizational ombudspeople face profound challenges in dealing with the issue of neutrality. For ombuds, it is useful to view neutrality as composed of three major dimensions: the definition or terms of reference for the position; its institutional location; and the interactions of the ombuds within the organization. The authors analyze each of these conditions, and offer advice on how ombudspeople can maintain and enhance their neutrality.     

Woodrow Wilson’s Neutrality,the Freedom of the Seas,and the Myth of the “Civil War Precedents”

This analysis shows the importance of a problem of maritime law in an on-going debate between two interpretations of Wilsonian neutrality that have competed in various guises since the end of the First World War: can British blockade actions in that war be justified by American Civil War precedents? It proves that reliance on the “Civil War precedents” to justify Britain’s blockade measures was disingenuous from the beginning. British diplomats first used it in October 1914, and Woodrow Wilson embraced it to defend his mild response to British violations of neutral rights to incensed American citizens despite continuous protests from the State Department. Whilst all politicians involved knew the comparison was wrong, historians have embraced it as a justification of Britain’s illegal blockade ever since Arthur S. Link claimed it as the key to understanding Wilson’s neutrality policy.     

Uncertainty, risk, and trust: The Swedish—German general staff negotiations of 1910

Despite a protracted and well-established policy of neutrality, in 1910, Sweden decided to enter into negotiations with Germany concerning military collaboration in case of a Russian attack against Germany and Sweden. This article argues that behind the Swedish decision to enter into the talks was Swedish trust towards Germany to the effect that Germany would not exploit the talks for its own interests. The article discusses the phenomenon of inter-state trust in terms of risk and uncertainty, and analyzes the Swedish decision process leading to the general staff negotiations.     

越南战争时期美国对柬埔寨中立的干涉(1956-1971)

本文重点探讨在20世纪60年代越南战争期间美国如何干涉柬埔寨的独立和中立,直至最后支持朗诺—施里玛达集团推翻西哈努克政权,而西哈努克又如何在国际冷战环境下争取国家的独立和中立的历史过程,由此揭示国际冷战对小国的重大影响,而小国在大国极端对抗中实际上难以置身事外,甚至难以维持独立和中立的地位。     

Uncertainty,risk, and trust: The Swedish—German general staff negotiations of 1910

Despite a protracted and well‐established policy of neutrality, in 1910, Sweden decided to enter into negotiations with Germany concerning military collaboration in case of a Russian attack against Germany and Sweden. This article argues that behind the Swedish decision to enter into the talks was Swedish trust towards Germany to the effect that Germany would not exploit the talks for its own interests. The article discusses the phenomenon of inter‐state trust in terms of risk and uncertainty, and analyzes the Swedish decision process leading to the general staff negotiations.     

The Institutional Ombudsman: A University Case Study

The experience of a university ombudsman is utilized to examinetraditional elements within the organizational ombudsman role. History andcontext of role and person in it are discussed in relation to organizationexperience, independence, impartiality and neutrality, investigative power,responsibility for recommendations, and confidentiality. Implications ofthese elements in practice are described, and then explored through threecase examples.     

论南海问题中的美国因素

在影响南海问题的外部力量中,美国是最重要的第三方。冷战时期,美国对南海问题主要采取不介入和不表态的中立政策。冷战结束以来,美国开始关注和介入南海问题,并逐步采取具有明显倾向的政治和军事干预政策。美国的介入和干预加大了南海问题的复杂性和中国解决南海问题的难度。     

Dispute Resolution and the Politics of Cultural Generalization

This essay argues that generalizations about cultural identities and values should play a key role in designing procedures to resolve disputes. Generalizations about cultures are risky given the complexity of memberships and group boundaries, not to mention the power dynamics within and between social groups. But it is important to take the risk: attempts to avoid or transcend culture in resolving disputes pose and even greater, or reiterating the understandings of dominant cultural groups under the guise of neutrality. The author explores the "politics of cultural generalization" in theoretical terms, then considers its implications for concrete elements of dispute resolution training and process design.     

Non-governmental organisations and humanitarian action: the need for a viable change of Praxis and Ethos

Non-governmental organisations are experiencing a crisis of legitimacy, over their neutrality, independence, politicisation and subordination to their donors and the international media. Seemingly they are unable or unwilling to address structural problems related to their present shape and functioning. They need to invest in a radical agenda of change to address the important issues of donor relations, funding, independence and the place of advocacy, standards, rules and operational solidarity. Only by undergoing a process of genuine self-reflection, focused on their own shortcomings, will NGOs be able to harmonise their praxis and ethos in humanitarian action.     

Neutral,Biased, or Both? Discursive Construction of a Mediator's Dual Role

Within a theoretical and methodological framework based on critical discourse analysis and the principle of the objective, and using recordings from a civil case concerning an inheritance dispute, this article explores how a mediator in China employed various discursive strategies to foster conflict resolution and construct a dual role. On the one hand, he tried to maintain an impartial stance, but on the other he violated neutrality by acting selectively against one party. I suggest that the mediator, influenced by social ideology and/or his own interests, appears to be “neutral” but is sometimes “biased,” resulting in the performance of dual roles that combine the functions of problem solver, judge, and mediator. This finding facilitates greater understanding of what Chinese mediation is and how it operates.     

The "We" Problem in Teaching International Studies

This article addresses the problems that emerge when students in international studies courses approach the subject matter from the perspective of the first person plural. Whether in terms of "we,""us," or "our," many college students choose to adopt a personal perspective in discussions of international affairs. While it is natural for students to base their analysis of international studies on their personal observations and experiences, this inclination to adopt a collective first person approach detracts from the scholarly neutrality toward which students of global studies should aspire. Furthermore, a first person plural approach to course subject matter creates the false impression among students that they are all in agreement over contentious issues of global interactions and the theories employed to study them. The article concludes with suggestions for remedying the "we" problem, and offers advice for instructors who have encountered it in their own classroom.     

European small states' military policies after the Cold War: from territorial to niche strategies

This article looks at the evolution of European small states' military policies after the Cold War. Traditionally, small states faced a security dilemma between favouring influence and guaranteeing sovereignty. These security options were embodied by the strategy of alliance and the policy of neutrality. This article argues that in today's unipolar world small states' security policy must be cooperative either in the form of joining a security institution or an ad hoc coalition. This has two consequences for small states' military policies. These can either favour niche or lead/framework nation strategies. This in turn, depends on the strategic ambitions of the small states, which are ultimately mediated by their strategic culture. This article concludes by looking at the military policies of Cold War neutral states after the Cold War.     

The Alliance Politics of Concerted Accommodation: Entente Bargaining and Italian and Ottoman Interventions in the First World War

This article examines the challenges allies face in coordinating diplomatic efforts to accommodate and peel off their main enemy's potential allies. It elucidates the key dimensions, and the underlying coordination dynamics, of this problem of “concerted accommodation,” and it develops propositions about the conditions that shape the efficacy of such efforts. The argument links allies’ strength to their divergent or convergent assessments of the target state's ability to tip the war toward victory or defeat. Divergent assessments foster weak allied efforts that are likely to fail, but when allies agree that the target is a potential “war-tipper,” they will support their concerted accommodation policy with more robust cooperation that is more likely to work. The causal arguments and mechanisms are examined in a paired comparison analysis of two First World War cases: the Entente's efforts to induce (1) Ottoman neutrality and (2) Italian intervention.     

British Neutrality versus Offshore Balancing in the American Civil War: The English School Strikes Back

The American Civil War is an important test case for offensive realism because it was the last occasion when offshore balancing by Britain could have prevented the United States from becoming a regional hegemon. Instead, Britain drew on the norm of nonintervention to justify a policy of neutrality. Offensive realists reject the idea that Britain was constrained by normative considerations but disagree about why Britain failed to operate as an offshore balancer. I acknowledge the importance of the offensive realists' regionalized approach to the international system, but use English School thinking to argue that the normative framework that Britain and the United States subscribed to must be taken into account to provide a coherent explanation of Britain's response to the Civil War. Detailed archival research demonstrates that despite concern about u.s. regional hegemony, Britain was unequivocally constrained by normative considerations. The case study suggests, therefore, that societal constraints were stronger than systemic ones.     

Rationalist state,revolutionist EU and realist war: Austria in international society

This article examines Austria's position as a small, neutral state in the international society as framed by the English School. This examination is chiefly done in the face of the effects of great power conflicts and their impact on Western Europe's society of states. In doing so, the article provides insights to the fundamental puzzles concerning the ways power is managed between states, great and small alike. The article surveys how war (such as in South Ossetia in 2008) and war-like incidents affected Austria's position in the international society and the understanding of its place in great power conflicts between East and West. I argue that neutrality, despite European integration in the context of a peaceful international society, remains a political option for small states such as Austria. This option is especially lively if there is a domestic sentimental attachment to it and sticking to it does not undermine domestic or European and international foreign policy rationale and interests.     

Electronically-Mediated Dispute Resolution and E-Commerce

Although the volume of internet commerce continues to increase, some consumers hesitate to conduct business transactions on the internet because of concerns about the trustworthiness of on-line merchants. The presence of readily available, on-line dispute resolution services can send a reassuring signal to consumers that allays their fears and encourages them to do business on-line. However, on-line dispute resolution systems designed to address disputes arising from e-commerce transactions rely on a communication medium that is impoverished, which can lead to lower trust in the process, and to the escalation of negative emotion and negative attributions about the other participants in the dispute resolution process, making successful resolution of the dispute more difficult. A mediator or arbitrator in an on-line setting who is aware of these potential problems can try to avert them by engaging in simple rapport-building procedures. However, facilitating acceptance of on-line dispute resolution decisions may be more difficult than in a traditional face-to-face environment because of the absence of cues that communicate the trustworthiness and neutrality of the third party, as well as acknowledgment of the societal standing of the disputant.     

Russo–Japanese Rivalry Over Korean Buffer at the Beginning of the 20th Century and its Implications

At the beginning of the 20th century, Russia and Japan could not reach a lasting compromise over Korea. Several rounds of diplomacy for Korean neutrality or spheres of influence did not result in any lasting agreement. Due to the mutual suspicion and opportunistic searches for expansion into Korea and Manchuria, they could not reach an enduring understanding on Korea. Korea also could not play a role as an independent buffer state due to its own weakness. In conjunction with Japan’s consistent efforts to establish an exclusive control over the whole of Korea, war broke out in 1904 and Korea became a protectorate of Japan. The developments in the Far East at the beginning of the 20th century hold implications on current northeast Asian security as well.     

缅甸政局中的地缘政治因素

一个国家或地区的地缘政治地位和地缘安全地位与作用在很大程度上是由该国家或地区的地缘要素决定的。不同时期的政治学家和学者基于不同的世界经济与政治条件以及不同的历史视角,形成了各自不同的地缘政治理论。虽然这些地缘政治理论大多来自于大国,也大多成为大国谋求世界霸权的理论依据与参考.