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1.
近年来,印度经济的快速发展引起了世人的关注:在2005年世界GDP总量排名中,印度排名第10位(7198亿美元),比2000年前提了2位(4775亿美元),经济总量提高的幅度之大令人瞩目;①《2006—2007年全球竞争力报告》中显示,印度的竞争力排在第43位,比较靠前。印度正在用自身的发展演绎着大国崛起的神话。一、民族与民族问题印度是一个多语言、多民族、多宗教的大国。在印度,民族事务与宗教信仰、文化差异等因素交织在一起,形成了复杂的民族问题。(一)印度民族的特殊性和复杂性。印度号称人种博物馆,在近五千年的时间里,伴随着世界性的民族迁徙与融合…  相似文献   

2.
印度正在崛起 ,商机无限。印度电信业近年来发展迅速 ,其原因有 :手机用户大量增长 ;印度电信的改革 ,诸如鼓励私营经济进入电信业、国有电信的私有化、引入打破垄断竞争机制和开放印度国内的电信市场等。  相似文献   

3.
陈利君 《东南亚》2009,(3):40-45
2007年的世界“粮食危机”引起了国际社会的广泛关注。印度作为中国的邻国及仅次于中国的世界第二人口大国,其粮食安全保障体系如今面临着巨大的挑战。一旦印度粮食危机爆发,不仅会对正在崛起的印度经济社会发展造成巨大影响,而且会波及周边国家乃至世界。因此,我们应当关注印度粮食安全,并寻找应对之策。  相似文献   

4.
一个国家的实力决定其国际地位 ,原子能技术在一国的发展中具有举足轻重的作用。印度原子能局从事原子技术的研究和开发运用 ,其下有两个主要的机构—巴巴原子研究中心和英迪拉·甘地原子研究中心。印度重水反应堆技术已成熟 ;印度增殖反应堆正在建设之中 ;印度已开始利用钍。此外 ,重水是印度成功的核能产品 ;印度有核燃料制作的本地技术 ;印度己经完成燃料的再加工和废料处理  相似文献   

5.
近年来,印度在国际上的影响力不断扩大,其持续快速发展的经济、日益提升的军事实力以及手握核武器使国际社会难以忽视它的存在。印度已成为世界上一个巨大的新兴市场和正在崛起的大国,在国际上发挥着越来越重要的作用。然而在国内,印度却面临着一些制约其崛起的因素,其中腐败问题尤其突出。尽管印度政府为反腐设计了一整套机制,但由于存在政治领导者缺乏反腐意志、  相似文献   

6.
印度农业新政策出台的背景   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
作为人口众多的发展中国家印度,农业问题不仅影响人民生活水平的提高,而且制约着印度社会经济发展。经过独立后的艰苦努力,印度终于在70年代末达到粮食基本自给。但印度广大农民依然贫困,农业依然制约印度社会经济发展。面对加速进行的经济改革和世界贸易组织的成立。印度正在推行新的农业政策。独立前的印度,曾经饥荒不断,饿殍遍野,仅1942年的孟加拉大饥荒,就使数百万人丧生。独立后的一段时间里,印度仍未摆脱饥饿的困扰。长期以来,农业不仅影响数亿人民的生活,而且在某种程度上制约着印度工业发展的规模和速度,从而影响…  相似文献   

7.
长期以来,印度经济增长缓慢,且极不稳定。但自1980年代以来,印度经济逐渐加速增长;近年来,印度经济更出现高速增长势头,并正在进入高速增长时期。本文在阐述印度经济在进入高速增长时期的同时,详细分析了促进印度经济高速增长的原因,并指出了印度经济高速增长的前景。  相似文献   

8.
一般认为,印度的经济改革始于1991年。10多年来,印度发生了很大变化。前总理瓦杰帕伊说:“印度正在变化,飞速地变化。”“今天印度正处在历史上升阶段的一个特殊位置。”现任总理曼莫汉·辛格说:“印度正处于经济、技术和发展转变的前沿”。那么,印度究竟发生了什么重大变化呢?  相似文献   

9.
试析印度的BPO产业   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
印度BPO产业正如日中天,其发展速度迅猛,其各项经营成绩卓著,其地理分布正在日益扩展;探求其发展原因主要有:印度经济改革是其发展的先决条件,印度BPO企业的高质量是其发展的根本保证,欧美公司的科技与服务产业的转移是其必然结果,海外印度人的支持是其发展的催化剂;分析其发展对印度经济的影响主要有:BPO的发展拉动印度经济增长,带动印度高科技城市的建设,提升印度本十企业的技术水平。  相似文献   

10.
赵干城 《东南亚》2011,(3):21-24
中印均为正在崛起的发展中大国,在国际社会中发挥类似的作用,也面临着许多共同的问题和挑战。本文重点讨论印度如何看待中国的崛起,分析这些观点的形成原因和这种观念对印度相关行为的可能影响。  相似文献   

11.
浅析俄罗斯的东北亚战略   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
随着冷战的结束和苏联的解体,国际经济和政治格局发生了巨大的变化,进入了一个新的调整时期。尤其是20世纪90年代以来,经济区域化和全球化的发展趋势加快,东北亚区域的合作也随之发展。东北亚地区曾是冷战的前沿地区,目前又因其聚集了大国经济发展的潜力,而成为当前世界经济发展的一个热点地区。在这一国际经济、政治势力角逐的舞台上,俄罗斯无疑扮演着十分重要的角色。近年来,俄罗斯非常重视与亚太地区特别是东北亚地区的联系,并为此制定了一系列较完整的地区性战略,正是以这一战略为基础,俄罗斯从政治、经济、军事等方面在东北亚地区展开了积极的攻势。  相似文献   

12.
The international situation is evolving more impressively than it has at any time since the end of the Cold War.Globalization has been in decline.Nations are scrambling to gain greater influence.The international strategic pattern is being adjusted.Many countries have problems with public management,and are faced with a new array of social trends and increasingly popular movements.The world is entering a new era full of chaos and anxiety.Mankind once again faces significant trade-offs and choices in peace and conflict,development and recession,openness and isolation,liberalism and conservatism.China strives to advocate win-win cooperation and lead the trend of reform and opening to maintain a favorable external environment despite world chaos,and enhance status and institutional rights in the international system.China's 30 years of development was successful in the process of integrating into the existing international system;China is a participant as well as a builder of the international system,rather than a challenger or a subversive.In the future,with a constructive attitude,China will promote the international system in a more reasonable direction together with international partners,in order to better safeguard world peace and security,and promote sustainable development throughout the world.  相似文献   

13.
For nearly forty years, debates on a definition of international terrorism as part of a comprehensive convention have been preoccupying the United Nations. This article challenges conventional approaches referring to divergences in national interests and preferences, or to institutional constraints and national legal traditions, to explain why no definition has been agreed upon. It analyzes the inconclusive debates from a critical perspective and argues that the continuous search for a definition can be understood through the prism of collective identity struggles: the desire to define terrorism is not only the desire to give a precise content to terrorism and, thereby, create the identity of an Other. It is also the desire to create a collective identity, a “Self,” representing and uniting those who oppose terrorism. By applying a discursive understanding of collective identity construction to analyze the UN debates, the article elucidates how strongly the definition of terrorism hinders a common understanding among those who are opposing terrorism. Thereby, the analysis highlights that the demonization of terrorism foremost impedes a homogeneous understanding of a collective Self, ready to confront and define terrorism in the first place.  相似文献   

14.
黑龙江省对俄边境旅游的现状、问题及对策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中俄边境旅游已进入新的发展阶段 ,对地方经济发展起到了显著的牵动作用 ,带动了产业结构的调整 ,促进了外向型经济的发展 ,增加了地方财政收入 ,成为发展对俄经贸关系的重要渠道。中俄边境旅游还存在一些问题 ,为使其顺利发展 ,需要进一步把发展边境旅游作为全省实施对外开放战略的一个重点 ,将其列入高层次领导的会晤内容 ,认真整顿边境旅游市场 ,建立省级对话及协调机制 ,争取国家对黑龙江省实施优惠政策。  相似文献   

15.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):67-88
This paper examines the relationship between foreign imposed regime change and war participation. The oppertunity and willingness of an opponent to impose a new regime on a war participant affects the likelihood that such a change will occur. Results from a logistic regression model suggest that (1) winning or losing the war, (2) the amount of war costs the participant endures, (3) the power of the participant relative to its opponent, (4) the amount of war costs the opponent endures, (5) the occurrence of a domestic regime change during the war, and (6) the difference between the authority structures of the war participant and its opponent all have a significant and sizable impact on the probability that a war participant endures a foreign imposed regime change. The first three variables measure the opponent's opportunity to force a regime change, while the last three measure its willingness. I suggest that these results increase our ability to evaluate the likely consequences of a war, and may have important implications for our understanding of the decision to enter and terminate a war.  相似文献   

16.
The universality of human nature determines the universality of values and its particularity determines the diversity and plurality of values that is the fundamental determinant of security problems among different value systems. In a narrow sense, value security refers to a situation in which value concepts of a state, region, or a nation, social class are not under threat from the external adversaries, which is called conceptual value security. In a broad sense, value security refers to the consistency between the system of realistic value security and that of conceptual value security. National value security encompasses both value security in a nation-state and security of national values, in which the former is featured by the recognition and acceptance of a prevailing value in a nation-state, and the latter is characterized by the sovereignty of national values. Due to the fact that the issue of value system is a meta-theoretical one and the security of conceptual value system is part of cultural security, value security holds a core position in cultural security and is an important component of overall national security system. Additionally, value security embodies the security of value pursuits and value criteria in different spheres of the overall national security system and therefore, it is also an indispensable and flexible support to the overall national security.  相似文献   

17.
身份叙事与中国参与北极事务身份建构   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
赵洋 《东北亚论坛》2022,31(1):96-116
国家身份可以划分为总体身份和具体身份,具体身份是总体身份在不同场域的具体投射。作为话语实践的一种形式,叙事则是身份建构的主要机制,它将一系列关于总体身份和具体身份的隐喻以特定逻辑联系在一起。当代中国所追求的总体身份是负责任大国,而这一身份的主要表现则是倡导构建人类命运共同体。这一身份通过领域或功能以及地域两个维度被投射到北极场域,形成了"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"这一具体身份。本文在论述叙事和国家身份形成关系的基础上,重点分析了"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"这一身份隐喻通过叙事被投射到具体场域中的过程。通过叙事,"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"同中国的国际责任、各国的共同利益等话语联系在一起,成为负责任大国身份在北极场域的延伸,成为构建人类命运共同体这一宏观目标的组成部分。  相似文献   

18.
19.
This article investigates democratic innovations of a plebiscitary and action-oriented type that diverge from a predominantly transformative and reflective definition of democratic innovation. Conceptually, the article offers a balanced, extended framework that serves to recognize and understand a range of democratic innovations that includes non-deliberative besides deliberative models and methods. Empirically, the article offers a closer look at three exemplary cases focusing on the rebound of aggregative democracy through the (quasi-)referendum, the advent of collaborative democratic governance through concerted action, and of do-it-ourselves democracy through pragmatic activism. Ultimately, the article calls for a practice and theory of democratic innovation aware of and sensitive to the reality of democratic hybridization.  相似文献   

20.
Colin Chasi 《Communicatio》2020,46(2):107-125
Abstract

This article discusses the possibility of a discipline of communication and media studies that is innovative, pluralistic and open in ways that conduce to development. Based on a set of in-depth interviews with a select group of South African communication and media studies scholars, the article discusses critically how, and if, communication and media studies as a field is innovative. Innovation here talks to a discipline that is imaginatively open to a myriad of different, diverse and divergent contributions relevant to the human endeavour of understanding the world in ways that better humanity. In doing this, the authors critically explore how the discipline is perceived variously by the scholars interviewed as enabling, encompassing and embodying innovation in research, teaching, curricula, theory, methodology, resourcing, and community outreach. As such the article addresses a span of issues that either support or inhibit innovation.  相似文献   

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