Die Vermessung des europäischen Tiefgangs: Extrakonstitutionelle Umwege aus der Verfassungskrise

The negative results of the referenda on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (TCE) in France and the Netherlands have twisted the European Union into an inert beast. There are several options to solve the institutional, procedural and constitutional crisis: A further delay of the ratification process is risky. The success of such a strategy depends largely upon the readiness of Europe’s political actors to stick with the political and institutional reforms aimed at in the TCE. A withdrawal or exclusion of all those states which are not ready to take up the TCE appears politically inopportune at the present time. Strategies on the basis of the status quo can only bring success if the actors resolutely push for the implementation of the reforms in the TCE which, after all, were agreed to among parliaments, government representatives and a large part of civil society. Although EU-treaty based and extra-constitutional means of closer or flexible cooperation may successfully address the challenges of the EU’s efficiency and effectiveness, they are likely to intensify the EU’s deficits of democratic accountability and transparency.     

Die Rückkehr des befehlenden Staates? Muster und Ursachen der Veränderung staatlicher Handlungsformen in der deutschen Abfallpolitik

During the last 15 years, a shift in the relationship between state and society has been identified that can be characterized by an overall “retreat of the state”. The increasing use of co-operative policy instruments that do both, supplement and replace traditional authoritative measures, is one of the relevant manifestations of this change. However, most recent developments in German environmental policy in general and product-related waste management policy in particular reveal that this is all but an unambiguous tendency. After years of predominantly co-operative policy-approaches, there seems to be a revival of the authoritative state. The article analyses the patterns of change and presents reasons. In doing so, it challenges the popular functionalist hypothesis assuming that co-operative approaches arise from the functional needs of modern policy problems. Quite the contrary, the article draws on institutional factors — the European law in particular — and on party politics for explaining the identified change.     

Die soziale Norm der Wahlbeteiligung

This article assesses the determinants of the subjective voting norm with the European Social Survey 2002/3 for 21 European democracies. The empirical procedure tests various combinations of four theoretical perspectives: (1) social integration, i.e., the extent and quality to which an individual is integrated into given social contexts, (2) social trust, i.e., the general willingness to cooperate with other individuals, (3) the support of the social system to which the norm belongs, and (4) the perception of the degree of compliance and the quality of a social norm in an individual’s context. The best explanation is offered by the model which combines social integration, the support of the social system and the perception of the degree of compliance and quality of the norm. We also examine additional causal paths of indicators of social integration through system support on the individual voting norm. The paper contributes to an improvement on existing literature through its more complex causal modelling and the placing of individual attitudes in context.     

Die politischen Konsequenzen der niedrigen Wahlbeteiligung bei der Europawahl 2009

If electoral abstention is linked to party preferences, low turnout—as witnessed in European Parliament elections—may hurt some parties and benefit others. In order to assess this possibility, we compare, in the member states of the EU, parties’ vote shares in the 2009 European Parliament elections with the results that would have been obtained had turnout reached the level of national general elections. We find that the effects of low turnout are minimal, and that—except for a single seat—higher turnout would not have resulted in a different composition of the European Parliament.     

Die Bekämpfung der Unsicherheit: Politikerkarrieren und Karrierepolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland

Political Careers differ from other professional careers in several regards, but most significantly in the peculiar degree of insecurity they impose. This insecurity is due to the democratic accountability to voters, which includes the possibility of electoral defeat and deprofessionalization. Therefore a continuous career is rendered much more difficult than in other occupations. This calls for specific strategies of access to and staying in political positions, which may be subsumed under the rubric of “career politics”. This article deals with political careers in the Federal Republic of Germany and the elements of individual career politics that may be reconstructed from these careers. The analysis is based on a dataset comprising the political biographics of all 1948 German state legislators with the date being taken from the official legislative handbooks. The features that are most interesting here are the succession and the cumulation of different political offices. Four strategies of career politics can be distinguished: a local politics, a party politics, an interest group, and a fourth strategy, that proceeds via staff positions. In analyzing these strategies the article wants to contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between political careers and career politics.     

Die Zentralisierung der Staatstätigkeit in einer Referendumsdemokratie: Evidenz aus der Schweiz

Previous theoretical and empirical research has shown that policymakers have incentives to centralize government activities in order to weaken the competitive pressure of fiscal federalism. We argue that referendums reduce the possibilities for collusion among representatives and the ability of higher level policy-makers to attract additional responsibilities. Empirical results from panel data for Swiss cantons between 1980 to 1998 support this hypothesis. The centralization of government activity, measured by budgetary outcomes, is significantly reduced by a fiscal referendum. This holds in the case of public revenue and its components, but also for public expenditure, in particular public education spending.     

Laudatio: Verleihung des Nachwuchsförderpreises 2002 der DVPW für die beste Dissertation an Timm Beichelt. Titel der Studie: „Demokratische Konsolidierung im post-sozialistischen Europa. Die Rolle der politischen Institutionen“ (Leske + Budrich 2001)

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Gegen alle Theorie? Die Konsolidierung der Demokratie in Ostmitteleuropa

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Die Messbarkeit von Demokratie: Zur Relevanz des Kontexts

The paper starts from three assumptions: (1) ‘democracy’ can take various institutional and procedural shapes which may all be of equal ‘democratic value’; (2) that is why, for analytical reasons, ‘democratic quality’ must be separated from the other features of the political system; (3) in measuring ‘democratic quality’ the respective (societal, institutional) context must be taken into account. Central in this concept is a ‘puristic’ definition of democracy concentrating on its object. Democracy thus is to be defined as the prolongation of individual self-determination into the realm of collective decicision-making. Four relevant context factors are identified: two relating to the structure of society — (1) degree of homogeneity and (2) type and extent of dominance structures —, and two relating to the structure of the decision-making system itself — (3) degree of complexity and (4) degree of institutionalisation / formalization. These context variables call for different forms of participation and are of different influence on its effectiveness. The basic idea of the contextualized model is as follows: We identify a position of a given political system with respect to each of the four context variables. Thus we can identify the ‘demand’, i.e. a specific composition of opportunity structures, which then is to be confronted to the ‘supply’, i.e. the existing opportunity structures and their effectiveness. As a result we should be able to make out varying sizes of ‘democratic deficits’ in different political systems — and thus to identify different levels of democratic quality (for an illustration see the Appendix).