代前言

2011年3月19日西方国家对利比亚进行军事打击以来,利比亚危机已经持续了数月,引发了国内外学术界的广泛关注和讨论。有鉴于此,中国欧洲学会欧洲政治研究会与《欧洲研究》编辑部联手推出一组笔谈,约请国内学者从美国、法国、德国等大国的态度与行动,欧盟、北约的战略考量等角度分析利比亚危机的相关问题,并从国际关系、国际法、中国外交等多种视角进行了讨论,以期推动学界对利比亚危机的深入思考和广泛讨论,探索中国学术界回应国际热点问题的新模式。     

German Arms Exports: Between Normative Aspirations and Political Reality

Deciding on arms exports is a delicate matter in western democracies. Potential economic and security gains have to be weighed against normative and security concerns. This article explores how this tension is solved in Germany, a country that holds strong moral aspirations but at the same time lists among the top arms exporting nations worldwide. Using a newly compiled dataset, we quantitatively analyse German exports of major conventional weapons (MCWs) from 1992 to 2013. Our statistical findings do not support the claim that the human rights situation in recipient countries plays an important role for German arms export decisions. Our two-stage model therefore supports a trading state rather than civilian power reading of Germany, at least when it comes to arms export practices.     

Japan’s search for influence in the Korean peninsula after the Cold War: Aspirations and constraints

This article examines Japan’s search for a more active international role in the Korean peninsula after the Cold War. It argues that Japanese foreign policy toward the Korean peninsula after the Cold War has continued to exhibit a reactive posture due to several important constraints. The United States has remained an important factor in shaping the Japanese foreign policy agenda in the post-Cold War era. Moreover, the Japanese domestic political environment, despite the dramatic political realignment after 1993, has continued to favor a nonmilitary Japanese role in world affairs. Finally, the lingering Korean mistrust toward Japan has hampered Japan’s bid to increase its political profile. Consequently, these constraints ensure that Japan’s independent role in the Korean peninsula will be rather limited in the foreseeable future.