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In terms of the question, “how to create an effective peace-making process in the Israeli–Palestinian case,” this article argues that the answer is a multidimensional approach to peace-making diplomacy that contains two main settings: political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy. Political-elite diplomacy suggests various modes of peace-making interactions between political-elites. Public diplomacy provides instruments to involve the people in the peace-making struggle, prepares them for a change, and presses the leadership to reach agreements. The analysis suggests establishing an institution for the operation of public diplomacy—a major Israeli-Palestinian public negotiating congress. The congress is a democratic peace-making institution that invites representatives of the opposing societies to discuss, debate, and negotiate solutions to their struggle. The article also presents the concepts of political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy as competitive settings that should be regarded as complementary. It includes lessons from the “Minds of Peace Experiment”—a small-scale Israeli–Palestinian public negotiating congress—which has been conducted in different places around the world.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

The actors, or “players,” involved in the transactions of diplomacy occasioned by sport are manifold. In the case of the world’s “global game”—association football—they include but are not limited to individual footballers, football clubs, national leagues, national associations, football’s international governance structures, multi-national sponsors, and numerous hangers on. Importantly for this analysis, such a panoply of actors creates an architecture, replicated across other sports, which speak to the necessity of furthering the understanding of the relationship between sport and diplomacy. These two phenomena share a long-standing similarity in global affairs; both having been over-looked as means of comprehending relations between different polities otherwise centred on the nation-state. This exegesis advances our understanding in two areas. First, it addresses the parameters of the discussion of “sport and diplomacy” and problematises the discourse between the two with a note on language; and second, it utilises a framework provided by an appreciation of “global diplomacy” to explore concepts of communication, representation, and negotiation in sport and diplomacy.  相似文献   

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正President Xi Jinping put forward the term Silk Road Economic Belt on September 7th,2013 in Kazakhstan when he proposed in his speech to forge closer economic ties,deepen cooperation and expand development space in the Eurasian region,we should take an innovative approach and jointly  相似文献   

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Visa Diplomacy     
The consular element of national diplomatic power plays an essential, but often overlooked role in international relations. This is unfortunate, since the process of globalization places increasing importance on so-called “low politics”—trade, commerce, tourism, migration—all traditional consular areas of interest. This study examines the visa component of consular diplomacy as an integral device in the conduct of international relations. The simple visa serves an important purpose in international relations and is a well-used, but little studied, instrument of foreign policy in today's system of sovereign states.

In this article, “visa diplomacy” is defined as the use of visa issuance or denial at an individual, group, and interstate level, to influence another state's policies. Although possessing limitations, visa diplomacy is an available signaling and retorsion instrument which makes it a viable policy option in the arena of international affairs. At the operative level, it links an individual or group to its sovereign country and respective national policies. Denial or issuance at the individual or group level can have outcomes on overall interstate interactions as illustrated in the cases selected for this study. The conclusion assesses where the use of visa diplomacy seems most effective in international relations.  相似文献   

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Visa Diplomacy     
The consular element of national diplomatic power plays an essential, but often overlooked role in international relations. This is unfortunate, since the process of globalization places increasing importance on so-called “low politics”—trade, commerce, tourism, migration—all traditional consular areas of interest. This study examines the visa component of consular diplomacy as an integral device in the conduct of international relations. The simple visa serves an important purpose in international relations and is a well-used, but little studied, instrument of foreign policy in today’s system of sovereign states.

In this article, “visa diplomacy” is defined as the use of visa issuance or denial at an individual, group, and interstate level, to influence another state’s policies. Although possessing limitations, visa diplomacy is an available signaling and retorsion instrument which makes it a viable policy option in the arena of international affairs. At the operative level, it links an individual or group to its sovereign country and respective national policies. Denial or issuance at the individual or group level can have outcomes on overall interstate interactions as illustrated in the cases selected for this study. The conclusion assesses where the use of visa diplomacy seems most effective in international relations.  相似文献   

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安倍政府对东盟的现实主义外交渗透着严重的实力支配主义及利益至上原则,其战略目标不单纯是谋求维护及扩大日本在东盟地区的现实利益,更意图与东盟个别国家乃至东盟整体建立以合作应对中国威胁为基本价值观、以集体遏制中国发展为战略目标的同盟体系。自2012年末安倍政府上台以来,它就通过政治、经济、安全等多个维度对东盟国家展开全方位的现实主义外交。但必须指出的是,安倍政府对东盟的现实主义外交暴露出强烈的逐利性,同时,刻意追求对华均势的战略效果,凸显继承性、破坏性、争议性、自我性的严重缺陷。  相似文献   

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“新布什主义”概括起来就是布什政府在第二任期内将通过进攻性外交、军事、经济等手段向全球推广“民主”“、自由”来“保卫”和扩大美国全球霸权的一种战略。它在本质上和第一任期的“布什主义”是一致的,其目的在于更好地获得美国内的认同和争取国际支持。由于“布什主义”造成的高成本和对国际格局冲击太大“,新布什主义”的推行也同样会遇到多方面的制约。  相似文献   

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Since the end of the Cold War, China's military diplomacy has displayed an omni-directional and multi-level form, and with an increasing transparency which has increased trust and reduced doubt. China has enhanced its conventional military functions and strengthened its military soft power. This has helped China develop into a responsible state on the world stage. Through military exchanges with other countries, the Chinese military has gradually strengthened its ability to undertake a variety of tasks. The Chinese military has to make greater efforts to counter the perception of a "China threat." There is also a need to establish a system of military spokesmen and to develop a theory of military diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.  相似文献   

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政治文明与中国外交   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王存刚 《国际观察》2004,4(3):34-41
本文在对政治文明与外交的关系进行逻辑分析的基础上 ,比较系统地回顾了 1 94 9年以来中国政治文明与外交的关系 ,概括了这一关系的基本特点 ,并对中国政府在未来如何处理两者之间的关系提出了建设性的思路  相似文献   

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多边外交是一种顺应后冷战时期蓬勃发展的全球化浪潮而兴起的外交形式.中国与东盟从1991年起开始多边外交往来.中国与东盟之所以要大力推进彼此间的多边外交,主要是因为双方面临着应对非传统安全挑战、发展经济、建立安全互信关系等共同任务.经过20年努力,中国与东盟间已建立起一个金字塔型的多边外交体系.借助这一体系,中国与东盟在多领域展开合作,而中国与东盟的关系也随之进入了一个良性发展的阶段.  相似文献   

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作为代议制民主的突出体现,国会在美国政治生活中发挥着重大作用.时至今日,美国国会依旧是当今世界上各国议会中最具影响力的立法机构.其作用不仅显示在美国国内政策的制订上,而且还渗透于美国的对外政策中.  相似文献   

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准联盟外交是国家间在非正式安全合作协定基础上开展的安全合作,它具有隐蔽性、动态性和开放性等特点.此外交模式的运作不依靠盟约,而依靠领导人互访、口头承诺、非正式安全协定或对外援助.当获得外部战略资源与保持外交自主性在决策者心里达成一种平衡时,准联盟外交就会比联盟外交和中立外交更具吸引力.实证研究表明,无论是中立国家还是结盟国家都推行过准联盟外交,这为中国开展准联盟外交提供了理论依据.  相似文献   

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在苏联解体后的第一个10年里,俄罗斯的综合国力在世界的排名直线下落。在1998年世界人均国内生产总值排名中,俄罗斯仅列第48位;1999年俄罗斯国内生产总值占世界的比重仅为1.9%,约为美国的1/10。国力的衰退必然使得俄罗斯的外交战略空间出现不断收缩的趋势。尽管如此,俄罗斯却从未放弃过复兴大国地位的努力。在叶利钦执政后期,俄罗斯两次调整外交战略,基本确立了以“恢复大国地位,确保势力范围”为目标,东西方平衡的全方位外交战略。普京上台后,又对该战略作了进一步的扩充,其主要内容是:大力推行以国家利益为基础,以恢复俄世界大国地位和全球战略稳定为目标,积极推动多极化和世界新秩序的建立,欧亚并重、东西兼顾、平衡的全方位外交。但是,在勃勃雄心的背面,国力衰落的俄罗斯可运用的外交筹码是十分有限的,只有石油能够是并且已经是俄罗斯复兴大国地位的一件特别重要的工具。  相似文献   

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略论普京治下的俄罗斯外交   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
普京1999年12月31日从叶利钦手中接过俄罗斯最高权力,任代总统,今年3月26日他又在大选中获胜,任总统,顺利地完成了政权交接,开辟了俄历史的新时期。俄在新时期推行何种对外政策,是人们普遍关心的问题。为了便于研究普京的对外政策,有必要回顾一下俄立国八年走过的外交历程,看看普京从其前任手中接过的是一份什么样的外交遗产,然后再分析普京当政后的外交思想和外交举措,从中可以看出普京对外政策的概貌和发展趋向。一、普京接过的外交遗产  普京外交是其前任外交的自然延伸。因此,研究普京外交必须弄清叶利钦外交的历程,必须…  相似文献   

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