From Cold War Instrument to Supreme European Court: The European Court of Human Rights at the Crossroads of International and National Law and Politics

The history of the genesis and institutionalization of the European Convention on Human Rights offers a striking account of the innovation of a new legal subject and practice—European human rights—that went along with, but also beyond, the political and legal genesis of Europe following World War II. The rise of the European human rights institutions shows not only how law and lawyers played key roles in the early politics of European integration but also how the subtle combination of law and politics—as both national and international strategies—continued to play a decisive part in the institutionalization of European human rights. The article generally argues that the interplay between law and diplomacy had a fundamental impact on the innovation of European law and that lawyers capable of playing an intermediary role between the two were particularly central to this development.     

The Current Political Discourse Concerning International Law

Reading current statements of world leaders on subjects relevant to international law is liable to cause confusion, even distress to those for whom the 1945 regulatory arrangements, as completed in the post‐Cold War era, have become the norm. On occasions international law is invoked, but in what seems an increasingly antagonistic way, amounting often to a dialogue of the deaf. At other times it is apparently or even transparently ignored. This touches many of the arrangements governments spent the preceding period seeking to establish. Is there a pattern to all this, and how should we respond? How susceptible is the edifice of international law to such rhetoric? These issues are examined in the context of the law of withdrawal from treaties. Three recent high profile examples are examined: Brexit, South Africa's purported withdrawal from the Rome Statute, and the United States’ announced withdrawal from the Paris Agreement.     

Securitization and Judicial Review: A Semiotic Perspective on the Relation Between the Security Council and International Judicial Bodies

This article examines therelation between the Security Council andinternational judicial bodies. The first partexplains, on the basis of linguistic theoriesof international security, the new role assumedby the Security Council after the Cold War. Thesecond part analyses, on the basis of insightsborrowed from legal semiotics, the position ofinternational judicial organs vis-à-vis theSecurity Council (especially the InternationalCourt of Justice and the Tribunals for Rwandaand the former Yugoslavia). The article arguesthat international judicial bodies havedeveloped ways of checking the power of theSecurity Council, which go beyond thetraditional modes of judicial review. Legalsemiotics offers the tools necessary tounderstand these countervailing activities andthus the relation between internationaljudicial bodies and the Security Council ingeneral.     

The Kelsen/Schmitt Controversy and the Evolving Relations between Constitutional and International Law

The article examines Hans Kelsen's and Carl Schmitt's lines of thought concerning the relationship between constitutional and international law, with the aim of ascertaining their respective ability to capture developments affecting that relationship, even those of a contradictory nature. It is significant that, while the rise of wars of humanitarian intervention in the post‐Cold War era has evoked Schmitt's concept of the bellum iustum, the evolution in the direction of the “constitutionalisation of international law” has drawn attention to Kelsen's theoretical approach. However, these assumptions rely heavily on the opposing objectives that the two authors claimed to pursue, such as, respectively, the search for the ultimate seat of political power and a pure theory of law. Things are more complicated, both because these objectives by no means exhaust Kelsen's and Schmitt's lines of thought, and because the conception of sovereignty as omnipotence, at the core of the Weimar controversy, is now behind us.     

The Sovereignty Game States Play: (Quasi-)States in the International Order

This article discusses the puzzle of sovereign statehood in the context of state failure and anarchy in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the first section it suggests to analyse sovereignty as a discursive fact in terms of a Wittgensteinian language game. This renders recognition a pivotal element and rejects foundationalist notions of sovereignty. The second section analyses the ‘quasi-statehood narrative’. Whereas this narrative presents sovereignty as a game, it applies two different notions of games concomitantly. This article argues that the notion of quasi-statehood maintains an empirical kernel as the core of ‘real’ sovereign statehood and as such remains within the conventional sovereignty discourse. The epilogue states that such foundationalism is not an innocent analytical move. It shows how language can have far-reaching political impact in terms of legitimation of political actions, and how, ultimately, the conventional discourse drains international relations of its content. This will be illustrated by U.S. position to state failure in their War on Terrorism.     

多极化、全球化、多样化和国际关系民主化——略论江泽民国际战略思想

江泽民根据冷战后国际局势的变化，提出了一系列具有创新意义的国际战略思想。他指出当前世界多极化和经济全球化趋势是不可阻抑的发展潮流，为世界的和平与发展带来了机遇和条件；认为世界是丰富多彩的，各国明具有多样性，我们必须尊重和维护世界的多样性，侣导各国发展模式的多样化和国际关系民主化。江泽民的这些国际战略思想对于我国第三代领导集体成功处理多变的国际关系起到了重要的指导作用。     

From Justus Hostis to Rogue State the Concept of the Enemy in International Legal Thinking

This article examines the changing image of war in international law and politics. In classical international law, the ideal typical image of war was a duel between equal states, represented as 'magni homines', This conception of war was based on a particular reading of the sovereign equality of states and a corresponding interpretation of the enemy in war. Due to the attempts to outlaw war and the growing enthusiasm for the use of force in the name of humanity, this image of war has changed significantly. In current international relations, the use of force is increasingly defined as enforcement or a preventive action against wrong-doers, risks to international peace and security or against 'rogues'. This article examines the changing conceptions of sovereignty and war as well as the changing image of the international community that underlie this changing conceptualisation of the enemy.     

'The Lady Doth Protest Too Much' Kosovo, and the Turn to Ethics in International Law

Most international lawyers approved of the 1999 bombing of Serbia by the members of the North Atlantic alliance. But most of them also felt that it was not compatible with a strict reading of the UN Charter. The article describes the argumentative techniques through which international lawyers tried to accommodate their moral intuitions with their professional competence. The urge to achieve this, the article argues, arose from a general turn to ethics in the profession that has been evident since the end of the Cold War. This has often involved a shallow and dangerous moralisation which, if generalised, transforms international law into an uncritical instrument for the foreign policy choices of those whom power and privilege has put into decision-making positions.     

论国际人权法对国际刑法的影响

冷战结束后,国际人权法获得了较为广阔的生长空间,国际刑法也进入复兴和快速发展的阶段。国际人权法对国际刑法各个领域的影响都十分明显,从基本原则到具体规则,从实体法到程序法,从刑罚制度设计到刑罚的执行,并努力在保护被害人与保障被告人权利两者之间保持微妙的平衡。然而,透过国际人权法推动国际刑法发展的帷幔,不难发现其背后＂人权＂和＂主权＂之间的紧张博弈：为保护人权,国际人权法引领着国际刑法试图突破国家领土的藩篱进而穿透国家主权的坚硬＂铠甲＂;国家则奋力祭起＂主权＂大旗并诉诸＂司法独立＂的坚固盾牌,抵御某些外部政治实体利用国际刑事司法机构干涉其内政、侵蚀其＂司法独立＂,以最大限度地维护国家利益。     

俄罗斯刑法上的国际刑法规定

由于冷战后俄罗斯学界对国际刑法研究不重视,目前《刑法典》中仅存有关普遍管辖权和诉讼时效的规定。但刑法典总则对缺席判决下普遍管辖权的适用、指挥责任和排除违法性理由的判断标准规定模糊,而分则的犯罪体系过于粗略和封闭,没有规定反人类罪和非武装冲突中对战争手段和方法的使用等,需要根据"日内瓦公约"和"海牙议定书"予以重构。     

论国际刑法中的 “大国一致” 原则

在国内学术界,关于国际刑法基本原则的研究,一般以传统国内刑法的基本原则为基本框架展开,很少有学者论及＂大国一致＂原则。在国际政治及联合国机制的共同作用下,国际刑法中罪名的形成可以不受国内刑法中罪刑法定主义、罪刑等价主义、法律不溯及既往、一事不二理等原则的限制,某行为是否入罪、是否审判、管辖权如何分配的依据只是国际社会尤其大国对特定行为的态度表示。本文分析并论述了＂大国一致＂这一特有原则作为国际刑法基本原则的基本依据、演进脉络及具体作用。     

International Arbitration and Judicial Politics in Authoritarian States

This article uses the case of Sudan to show how authoritarian regimes benefit from embracing international arbitration, allowing them to maintain domestic control and attract foreign investment. International arbitration ensures that foreign‐investment disputes are resolved outside of domestic purview, obviating the need for nondemocratic states to create independent courts. Research on judicial politics in authoritarian regimes has largely overlooked those private and extra‐judicial pathways—international arbitration tribunals—that illiberal regimes have been taking. Similarly, research in international commercial law has neglected domestic politics, overlooking arbitration's consequences for domestic stakeholders. Promoting international arbitration without paying heed to its side effects can unwittingly help illiberal regimes, particularly in weak states, to continue to repress their judiciaries and curtail the development of domestic legal institutions and the rule of law.     

论国际法的政治基础

国际法与国际政治之间存在一种相互强化和相互渗透的关系。一方面,自国际法产生以来,国际法的发展时常受到国际政治的制约;另一方面,国际法一经确立就对国际政治关系产生重要影响。在未来的国际体系中,国际法将逐步摆脱强权政治的束缚,作用也会更加突出。     

冷战后联合国维和行动发展评析

联合国维和行动是联合国维护世界和平与安全的重要手段.在美苏对峙的冷战时期,联合国维和行动的发展受到极大的抑制.冷战结束后,新的国际政治与安全形势为联合国维和行动的开展提供了前提条件和机遇,国际社会对维和行动提出了新的要求,因此联合国维和行动得到了迅速发展并表现出许多新的特点和发展趋势.但是,由于国际环境的变化和日趋复杂,冷战后的联合国维和行动也面临着一些问题与挑战,这些问题和挑战对联合国维和行动的未来发展将产生重要影响.     

Infected by Arts Festivals: Festival Policy and Audience Experiences in the Helsinki Metropolitan Area

In current policy debates, cities are often seen as “experience machines” in which the quantity and variety of experience possibilities are vital. The Finnish capital, Helsinki, has chosen arts festivals and other events as tools to achieve this aim. This article focuses on the way in which Helsinki's festival policy has developed and analyzes the response of metropolitan residents to the proliferation of arts festivals. The article highlights the importance of artistic quality as something both cultural policy-makers and arts audiences are looking for. Artistic excellence can thus be seen as a major contributor to the success of festivals.     

海盗行为和海上恐怖主义行为的比较研究

海盗行为和海上恐怖主义行为受国际政治经济因素的影响,近年来在国际上呈现愈演愈烈之势。本文通过对国际条约中有关两者的定义和主要管辖机制的对比分析,试图找出两者的共同之处,以期对打击两种犯罪提出建议。     

Piercing the Family's Private Veil: Family Violence, International Human Rights, and the Cross-Cultural Record

International law does not take family violence seriously enough. Although reviews and commentaries of international law regularly ignore family violence, such violence increasingly becomes a central concern of modern international treaties and plans of action. This article details how international law, which still tends to limit itself to inter-state behavior, seeks to transform local cultural practices and forms of interpersonal relations that lead to family violence. Although these developments largely remain in their infancy, the article proposes that international human rights developments are both legitimate and necessary.     

共同利益:国际法本质的基石

共同利益是破解国际政治与国际法、国际法与国内法相互关系诸问题的关键。该文从基本法理出发 ,并从国际条约与共同利益、国际习惯与共同利益、国际法各部门法与共同利益几个方面 ,比较全面地论证了国际法的共同利益性。本文的中心议题是 :共同利益构成国际法本质内容中最基础的部分。     

国际法治:良法善治还是强权政治

国际法治意味着法治的原则适用于国际关系之中。法治的理想激发着国际法学家在国际社会实现法治,但是由于存在着重重障碍,强权政治在国际关系中仍然占据主导地位。但是,有可能建立人类利益作为国家决策的基础,代替以往抽象的国家利益和安全考虑。基于此,国际法治可以在良法善治的前提下实现。     

The Commission on the Responsibility of the Authors of the War and on Enforcement of Penalties and its Contribution to International Criminal Justice After World War II

This article traces the evolution of discussions within the Commission on the Responsibility of the Authors of the War and on Enforcement of Penalties and the United Nations War Crimes Commission regarding the establishment of an international criminal court. The Commission on the Responsibility of the Authors of the War and on Enforcement of Penalties was the first war crimes commission that seriously debated establishing an international criminal court for the prosecution of war criminals. Following the discussions held in the UNWCC, the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg was created. All three institutions played a major part in the development of international criminal law.