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This article surveys some of the key contributions to the secondary literature on Australia's foreign and defence policy during Robert Gordon Menzies' two prime ministerships (1939–41, 1949–66), and seeks to identify Menzies' place in a "Liberal" and Liberal Party tradition through a reading of this work. Via a study of Menzies' imperialism, British race patriotism, nationalism, and attitudes towards Asia and the United States of America, it argues that the prime minister stands in an ambiguous relationship to the transformation that occurred in Australia's international orientation between the 1930s and 1960s. In the 1950s the Australian government's cold war foreign policy, and the political language that Menzies used in private and public to articulate it, were largely successful in balancing the competing claims of Britishness, Australianness and the newly-formed "American Alliance". By the early 1960s, however, his nostalgia for a dissolving imperial order was sufficiently pronounced that it contributed powerfully to a symbolic and rhetorical defeat for his side of politics, allowing Labor to claim the mantle of Australian foreign policy modernity.  相似文献   

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The Defence Preparations Act 1951 was conceived as a solution to an ideological as much as the constitutional dilemma the Menzies government faced as a result of the inflationary crisis of 1950–51. Drawing on Cabinet Notebooks, we argue that the government used the Act to facilitate peacetime access to capital issues controls under the defence powers, but also to reassure its supporters and the public that turning to direct economic controls was not a vindication of the “socialism” it promised on election to stand against. While the Act enabled the government to convince the High Court that imposing anti‐inflationary controls was linked to defence preparations, it was also a way for it to maintain ideological coherence as it sought to breach a principal tenet of its political philosophy.  相似文献   

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The Liberal Party's failure to grant diplomatic recognition to the People's Republic of China in the early 1970s soon became a source of embarrassment, after President Richard Nixon announced US recognition in 1972. In pursuing the question of why the Gorton and McMahon governments were so wrong-footed, factors such as the role of the Democratic Labor Party (DLP) in domestic politics and the hierarchical bureaucracy in the Department of External Affairs are important. But one theme looms largest, and it is a theme dear to the hearts of Liberal foreign policy-makers, namely the dominant role of the American alliance. Nixon's administration excluded the Australian Government from its shifting thinking about China just as the Australians confirmed their dependence on a US lead before doing anything.  相似文献   

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根据《农产品质量安全检测机构考核办法》《农业部产品质量监督检验测试机构管理办法》规定,经组织专家考核评审等相关程序,现公告如下。一、中国农业科学院烟草研究所(中国烟草总公司青州烟草研究所)[农业农村部烟草产业产品质量监督检验测试中心]等3个质检机构符合农产品质量安全检测机构和农业农村部产品质量监督检验测试机构的基本条件与能力要求.  相似文献   

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根据《农产品质量安全检测机构考核办法》《农业部产品质量监督检验测试机构管理办法》规定,经组织专家考核评审等相关程序,现公告如下。一、中国农业科学院果树研究所[农业农村部果品及苗木质量监督检验测试中心(兴城)]等3个质检机构符合农产品质量安全检测机构和农业农村部产品质量监督检验测试机构的基本条件与能力要求.  相似文献   

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根据《渔业捕捞许可管理规定》(农业农村部令2018年第1号发布,农业农村部令2020年第5号修订),渔业捕捞许可证、船网工具指标等渔业捕捞许可证书文件的审批实行签发人负责制。  相似文献   

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根据《进口饲料和饲料添加剂登记管理办法》有关规定,批准德国菲百特饲料添加剂有限公司等58家公司生产的101种饲料和饲料添加剂产品在我国登记或续展登记,并颁发进口登记证(见附件1)。  相似文献   

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为进一步做好兽药注册评审工作,提高评审工作效率,我部组织修订了《兽药注册评审工作程序》,现子以发布,自2021年4月15日起施行,原《兽药注册评审工作程序》(农业部公告第2599号)同时废止。特此公告。  相似文献   

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根据《兽药管理条例》和《兽药注册办法》规定,经审查,批准硕腾公司美国卡拉玛祖生产厂等2家公司生产的盐酸头孢噻呋注射液等2种曾药产品在我国注册,核发《进口兽药注册证书》,并发布产品质量标准、说明书和标签,自发布之日起执行。  相似文献   

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根据《曾药管理条例》和《曾药注册办法》规定,经审查,批准北京生泰尔科技股份有限公司等2家单位申报的香连溶液变更注册,发布修订后的香连溶液质量标准、说明书和标签,自发布之日起执行,原我部发布的本产品质量标准.说明书和标签同时废止。  相似文献   

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根据《中华人民共和国种子法》《农作物种子生产经营许可管理办法》等有关规定,批准发放先正达种苗(北京)有限公司等11家企业《农作物种子生产经营许可证》(详见附件)。特此公告。  相似文献   

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In terms of international policies, the Lyons and Menzies Governments of 1931-41 have had a bad press for generations. They have been accused of failing to rearm in time for the Second World War, sending troops abroad who were sorely needed at home, too readily appeasing the Dictators, perversely selling pig-iron to Japan, and planning to give away half of Australia above a Vichy-like Brisbane Line. A reassessment reveals this to be leftist demonology. Rather, in very difficult circumstances they pursued carefully policies that, with benefit of hindsight, were more in the national interest than those of their Labor opponents.  相似文献   

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Australia's efforts between 1950 and 1972 to create an independent Taiwan are an important, largely overlooked element of Australia and Taiwan's international relations. Australia saw de jure independence for Taiwan as a means to support the US while pursuing the interrelated goals of accommodating the People's Republic of China (PRC) and minimising contradictions between US China policy and the policies of the UK and other countries important to it. Initially Australia favoured the establishment of a Taiwanese majority‐controlled state. This preference later gave way to greater support for an independent Republic of China on Taiwan under Chinese Nationalist rule. Australia nevertheless consistently justified its policy via reference to the principle of self‐determination for Taiwan's people — either immediately in the case of a Taiwanese Taiwan, or postponed into the indefinite future in the case of a Chinese Nationalist Taiwan. Championing Taiwan independence lost its utility for Australia when Sino‐ US relations improved in the late‐1960s to early‐1970s, and it became possible for Australia to make the concessions over Taiwan demanded by China without damaging its relationship with the US. This shift preceded the election of a Labor government committed to building a friendly relationship with China. Australia then dropped its policy of advocating Taiwanese independence, and established official relations with China in late 1972.  相似文献   

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Richard Casey was involved in shaping Australian foreign policy for over four decades. Casey's attitudes, ideas, policies and actions towards the rest of the world are therefore an important part of a Liberal tradition in Australian foreign policy. To examine Casey's place in the Liberal tradition this article explores Casey's positions on the great international issues of two periods: the 1930s and the 1950s. The conclusion of the article is that three key ideas shaped Casey's foreign policy, and therefore also lie at the centre of the Liberal tradition; firstly, a strong attachment to the idea of the English speaking alliance; secondly, a realist perspective on international affairs; and, thirdly, a consistent strand of anti-communism.  相似文献   

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The Fraser era represents a defining moment in Australia's approach to the issues of uranium exports and non‐proliferation policy. In contrast to some well‐established positions in the literature, this essay argues that the Fraser government's August 1977 decision to approve the export of uranium was framed not only by domestic political considerations stemming from the Ranger Environmental Inquiry but also by important international factors. In particular, I argue that the non‐proliferation initiatives of the Carter administration presented the Fraser government with an opportunity to portray the export of Australian uranium as means to strengthen the non‐proliferation regime and enhance Australia's influence.  相似文献   

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This article examines the impact of China's liberal political reforms on its reunification with Taiwan from the perspective of linkage theory. Through the liberalization of domestic politics, the post-Mao leadership has effected a fundamental change of regime type, transforming the Maoist totalitarian state to an established single-party regime. Because of this change, the Chinese Communists have increasingly considered China more as a developing country than a Marxist regime that needs a favorable regional and international environment for implementing its modernization programs. This has led to the emergence of a secular and stable China. The liberal tendencies in internal politics have produced four domestic-international linkages favoring China in the settlement of the Taiwan issues. Despite the presence of some negative linkages against China, it seems that the post-Deng leadership can take charge of the reunification issues as long as they can continue to make progress in institutionalizing its political system and in liberalizing its monolithic institutions.  相似文献   

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What have been the most important factors in international relations for Australian foreign‐policymakers over the last sixty years? Five broad themes stand out: the end of empire; Cold War dependency; the changing nature of security; economic development; and race and national identity. Cumulatively, and often in intertwined ways, these themes have amounted to little short of a revolution in Australia's place in the world since the Second World War. The challenges facing Australians have, as a result, been considerable. The international context in which Liberals have made foreign policy has been reshaping Australia as it has been reshaping the external environment.  相似文献   

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