Enhancing Community Leadership Negotiation Skills to Build Civic Capacity

Most intra‐ and interorganizational decision making entails negotiations, and even naturally talented negotiators can improve with training. Executive trainings for managers and leadership programs for publicly elected officials, public managers, and nongovernmental organizations frequently include negotiation modules. These efforts, however, have yet to reach community leaders who also need to develop their negotiation skills. We propose that members of disadvantaged low‐income communities who lack educational and economic opportunities, and are less able to advocate for their own interest, need to build and strengthen their civic capacity, including their negotiation skills, to become more effective parties to decisions affecting them. While many professionals and executives have access to training, such opportunities are less accessible to the leaders of these disadvantaged communities. Although such leaders draw from their own heuristic knowledge, skills, and abilities, they could also benefit from sharpening their negotiation skills. We propose that the multidimensional understanding of their community that members accumulate through direct experience is indispensable, nontransferable to outsiders, and not teachable through in‐class activities. Leaders with the ability to leverage knowledge and assets to connect effectively to community insiders as well as to outside people, institutions, and resources, however, possess some specific inherent personality traits as well an understanding of social structures, strategies, and agency, which can be taught and learned. Such skills as how to conduct negotiations around the table and away from it and how to identify community members who can help and how to rally them are also teachable. The cases were chosen to illustrate the knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSAs) that make these leaders effective in and beyond their communities. We highlight those KSAs that we think are teachable in the framework of a negotiation module in community leadership training to enhance civic capacity for community betterment.     

A population policy and a development policy are one and the same thing. An introduction to World Population Year

The disappointing results of many family planning programs in developing countries can be traced to the fallacious assumption that most poor people want smaller families. In fact, many poor people want large families. This is largely a response to economic conditions. Large numbers of children are considered necessary to provide support for their parents in old age, help with chores, and contribute to the family's income. If the problem is viewed as not only population but also poverty, then the solution becomes not only contraception but also social and economic development. Increasing equality of income distribution and access to social services is the major factor in both promoting development and reducing the birth rate. There is empirical evidence that significant falls in the birth rate occur only when the standard of living rises substantially for the majority of the population. Improvements in socioeconomic conditions can remove the need for large families. Thus, a development policy and a population policy are 1 and the same thing, and more equitable income distribution is the key to both.     

Economic crisis helps to "demarginalize" women

This article discusses processes that demarginalize women in developing countries. The case study pertained to women in the Santa coffee growing area of North West Province, Cameroon. Coffee is the main source of income for families. Women obtain land for growing subsistence crops with the permission of their husbands and with pleading. The sharp fall in coffee prices left families in economic difficulties. It forced families to reduce coffee production or abandon coffee production entirely. Women found an alternative in growing vegetables for retail sale. The women formed associations that provided instruction on how to farm, sell produce, and obtain credit. Men observed the increase in income from the women's sale of produce. Women included the men in discussions about their progress and difficulties. Men were thus encouraged to sell their land to women. Women gained power by becoming the sole source of family income. The women's groups helped women improve land use and the use of income. This experience proved that crises can have positive outcomes. Men's power was based on economic control over resources rather than culture or machismo. Women's cooperation with men in nation building resulted in economic independence. Marginalization of women was based on money. Women proved that participation, rather than power, was the appropriate means to social change and more equitable relations. The obstacles to women's power included cultural expectations about their roles and choices, sex discrimination, and lack of access to leadership networks.     

Exit From Terrorism: A Qualitative Empirical Study on Disengagement and Deradicalization Among Members of ETA

Terrorists disengage from the groups or organizations to which they belong as a result of structural, organizational, or personal factors. These types of factors seem to operate with relative mutual independence. All this can be analytically induced from research conducted at an individual level of analysis, based on 35 long interviews with former members of ETA who voluntarily decided to conclude their militancy at some point between 1970 and 2000. Until the mid-1980s, the individual decision to leave ETA tended to be linked to a subjective perception of ongoing political and social changes. From then on, disagreement with the internal functioning of the ethno-nationalist terrorist organization or the tactics adopted by its leaders became more salient motivations for those militants who decided to walk away. All along, however, there were ETA members who left terrorism behind for reasons of a rather personal nature. As expected, in this qualitative empirical study, disengagement was found to be a process seldom concomitant to that of deradicalization.     

Men's violence against women in rural Bangladesh: Undermined or exacerbated by microcredit programmes?

This ethnographic study examined the sociocultural context of domestic violence in 6 rural villages in Bangladesh, and the prevalence of wife-beating and its association with women's empowerment in income generation programs (IGPs). Data were obtained from interviews conducted during 1990-96. Four villages had IGPs, and 2 villages did not have credit programs. Over 66% of women reported having been beaten at one time or another. In one village 87% reported beatings. 38% reported beatings in the preceding year (a range of 14-60%). Men beat their wives over trivial matters or frustrations over problems for which wives were not responsible. Beatings were attributed to mens' desire to control behavior and reassert their authority when challenged or to exploit their wives for financial gain. Some of the most severe beatings were linked with dowry. Both husbands and wives considered the beatings legitimate. The highest level of violence was in villages that were experiencing the most changes in gender roles and that had the most women contributing to family support. The lowest levels of violence were in villages with the fewest contributing to family support. Interviews, case studies, and observations yielded ambivalent evidence about the influence of credit programs on domestic violence. Credit programs have the potential to increase women's status and to disseminate anti-violence messages among both men and women.     

Engaging with cultural practices in ways that benefit women in northern Nigeria

This study explores the intra-household impact of improved dual-purpose cowpea (IDPC) from a gender perspective, in terms of productivity and food, fodder, and income availability, the impact of which is linked to the income thus placed in the women's hands. Surplus income is important in providing food and nutritional benefits to the home, particularly during periods of risk. More importantly, income generated through the adoption of improved cowpea varieties has entered a largely female domain, where transfers of income reserves were passed on between women of different ages, with significant impact in terms of social and economic development. However, the technology has strengthened the separation of working spheres between men and women. Future technologies should, from the outset, explore provisions existing within the local rubric, to focus on women with the aim of expanding their participation in agriculture with the associated benefits to their families.     

Microfinance,wage employment and housework: a gender analysis

This paper examines the loan-use pattern of women involved in wage employment and their benefits from such loans in Bangladesh. The effects of wage employment on gender relations and how these women balance loan use, wage employment, and housework were also explored. The study was conducted among women enrolled in the Ayesha Abed Foundation (AAF) of the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) in Jamalpur district, central Bangladesh. The AAF was established to generate employment and income for poor rural women. Data were gathered through survey, interviews, and focus-group discussions. Findings revealed that women wage earners avail themselves of the BRAC loans for consumption, asset accumulation, land purchase, and other productive purposes. About 53% of their loans were used by others and only 34 out of 341 women in the sample actually used the loans themselves. The loans were repaid by sewing or subsistence work, mainly in the subcenters (52%), through income from rickshaw pulling by their husbands (24%), and by selling vegetables, eggs, or milk. Furthermore, findings showed that the household work of women wage earners is generally taken up by other women in the family and has resulted in more men taking part in household responsibilities. In conclusion, wage employment plays an important factor in the promotion of the economic and social empowerment of women. Economic empowerment is observed in the greater degree of control women have over the money they earn. Social empowerment is manifested in the expanding mobility of women, whereby they are able to interact with other women and generate support systems.     

Pursuing gender-transformative change in customary tenure systems: civil society work in Zambia

This article examines activities undertaken by civil society organisations in Zambia to create gender-transformative change in customary tenure systems. It is based on primary data collected through interviews and group discussions with NGO representatives, lawyers and women’s rights advocates, chiefs, women leaders, and local community members. The findings show that organisations pursue change by leveraging global and national frameworks and discourses and working with traditional authorities, local magistrates, men and women at the village level. Promoting gender transformative change requires multi-level networking and working across hierarchies of power that extend from the household to the state.     

Downward accountability of NGOs in community project planning in Ghana

This article examines the downward accountability of NGOs in community project planning in Ghana. It is based on primary data collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with NGO officials, local government officials and representatives, chiefs, women leaders, and other community members. The findings reveal that although community members were engaged in project planning processes in many respects, these engagements were limited to endorsing pre-prepared plans, decisions, and mundane aspects of the project. The engagements were largely tokenistic, rhetorical, and to garnish legitimacy, and lacked the key elements of empowerment which promoted downward accountability.     

Networks,support groups,and domestic violence

This article discusses recent preliminary research findings on domestic violence against women in Calcutta, India, during 1994-95 and other evidence from around the world. The Beijing Conference on Women affirmed that physical, sexual, and psychological abuse of women occurs regardless of income, class, or culture. The author found from interviews with 47 abused Indian women from a mixture of backgrounds that middle-class women were the most private and difficult to interview. Findings from interviews suggest that women can resist or challenge the abuse by men, and resolution is the end to abuse. The research aimed to identify factors that enhanced resistance and resolution. Over 66% of abused women responded by informing others or crying or offering resistance. Single women and mothers are vulnerable due to stereotyping and economic insecurity. Women's groups recommend formation of shelters for abused women, income generation programs, and training projects, but funding is frequently limited for such activities. Some abused women are unaware of their rights or do not seek help from agencies. Illiteracy interferes with exchanges of pertinent information. Women in the Indian study did not accept violence as part of marriage. 70% of the women stated that after reporting the violence there was resolution. For sexual violence, resolution did not occur, and Indian law does not treat marital rape as a criminal offense. Most of the abused Indian women had contacts with governmental or other organizations. It appears that outside support is important to resolution and nonviolent relationships. Employment that is home-based isolates women and may not be useful as a resource for achieving resolution. Groups need to focus on capacity-building.     

FLAG and the Diplomacy of the Iran Hostage Families

The extraordinary public diplomacy carried out by the families of the American hostages held in Iran from 1979 -1981 domesticated and humanised the biggest foreign policy crisis of Jimmy Carter's presidency. The families, notably represented by the Family Liaison Action Group (FLAG), led an unprecedented campaign to raise awareness of the plight of their relatives. The families designed their efforts to garner public and media attention, and manage relations with the press. To that end, the news media emerge as a singularly influential domestic actor in this episode. Moreover, women constituted the vast majority of family members regularly cited in news coverage and occupied a sizeable leadership role within organised activities during the crisis. The centrality of the families helped harden American attitudes toward Iran: not merely an outgrowth of a diplomatic dispute, it represented a sort of personal violence toward individual Americans and their families.     

Family-planning methods among the tribal population in south Gujarat: a case study of access and usage

The article explores knowledge and practices of family planning among the tribal population of south Gujarat, India. The authors examine the reasons for discontinuation and non-use of various modern contraceptive methods by tribals and draw contrasts with practices in the urban population. They consider the roles of women, family members, local leaders, and effective communication, along with NGOs and the private sector, and make recommendations for increasing access to and usage of various family-planning methods by the tribals.     

The differential experience of Mozambican refugee women and men

This study examines differences in Mozambicans mens' and womens' experiences of living in refugee camps in Malawi late in 1990. The aim is to identify the differences in impact by gender in assistance policies and programs. In early 1991 there were an estimated 1 million Mozambican refugees in Malawi. This study is based on quantitative and qualitative data collection. The study sample included Chiumbangame and Mwawa in Mangochi District (refugee camps) and Ntcheu (settlements integrated with Malawi's population). Findings indicate that 17% of the 2006-person sample were female-headed households. Men in general had more years of schooling than women. 34% of the women and 47% of men completed at least 1 year of school and 10% of women and 24% of men completed 2 years. At all ages boys were more likely to be enrolled than girls. 4.1% of the 847 persons over 18 years old were receiving some training, but only 1 person had increased household income due to training. Refugee income was nil for women and about 20 cents/day for men. The mean daily income for individuals from female headed households was about half that of income from male headed households. Women were more likely to be working and spent more time in productive work than men. Women worked in household maintenance. Women in income programs gave housework chores to younger females in the household. The income programs were of low quality and products had low marketability. Girls helped with housework from an early age, while boys helped as teenagers. 44.2% of female headed households and 34.9% of members of male headed households reported health problems. This study identifies the ways in which refugee policy worsens gender inequalities in economic production and work burden.     

Urban women's informal savings and credit systems in Zambia

This article is based on findings from semi-structured interviews and discussions among "chilimba" groups in Zambia. Chilimba groups are primarily women's groups that engage in credit and savings programs. Group membership ranges from 4 to 20 members. The women agree on a fixed, regular cash contribution that is given in turn to each member in a specified order. Market groups tend to be larger and contributions of about a dollar are made daily. Smaller groups tend to make larger, but less frequent contributions. Default is rare, as the commitment is taken very seriously. New members are added at the end of the rotation. Loans can be used for domestic or business use. Chilimba groups are evidence that very poor people desire savings. Chilimba brings together people with similar financial needs and resources. Chilimba does not require formal, written procedures or formal institutional frameworks. Chilimba is not a remedy for reducing overall poverty. It is appropriate only for people with some regular source of income. It does not serve as a safety net in emergencies. Long-term loans are not possible. A limitation is its openness and lack of structure that permit potential abuse. It is a livelihood strategy for women, but benefits could be gained from including men. It is urged that groups consider whether the position of the poor is being enhanced or undermined. Different models need to be tested. Members themselves must decide on the type and phasing of activities.     

Women in Command: The Impact of Female Leadership on International Organisations

After the unsuccessful search for a female UN General Secretary in 2016, the question about what would be the impact of more women leading international organisations (IOs) seems more relevant than ever. This study argues that female leaders of IOs are more inclined towards social policies than their male peers due to being socialised into the role of caregivers, and, therefore, provoke a change in the focus of their institutions’ agendas. First, it provides a detailed discussion of the presence of female leaders in IOs from 1875 to 2018. Then, it analyses both the policy agendas and the discourse of Sadako Ogata and Ruud Lubbers of UNHCR to emphasise the difference in terms of their policy outlook. Although the findings cannot definitely prove a causal relationship, they suggest that it is plausible that women promote more social policies than men, which could change the way international affairs are conducted if the number of female leaders keeps increasing.     

Victims of Irish Republican Paramilitary Violence—The Case of “The Disappeared”

Throughout the history of Northern Ireland's (NI) “Troubles,” over 3,800 individuals were killed, with between 40,000 to 100,000 individuals injured, leaving many families and communities struggling with the aftermath. In recent times a particular category of victims and survivors has been politically active and thus featured prominently in the media: “The Disappeared.” This label has come to represent the victims of paramilitary groups whose remains were secretly disposed of. Through a long public and political battle the families of the Disappeared have achieved a measure of political success resulting in the establishment of the Independent Commission for the Location of Victims' Remains (ICLVR). Achieving political voice is not the only or perhaps the most significant difficulty encountered by these families. Their experiences in fact epitomise the complexity of the conflict and divisions in NI society and reflect the dominant issues of loyalty, identity, and importantly—silence. Throughout The Troubles, this silence and related notions of loyalty permeated all levels of society: at a community level which included the response of the church; at a statutory level including the response from social services and police; and, at a political level including local political processes but also departments within the British and Irish governments. This article examines the experiences of the families of the Disappeared through a multilevel analysis of their public campaign seeking the return of the remains of their family members. Using data collected from the families, members of the ICLVR, and support workers, the experience of the families of the Disappeared are analysed through accessing the social dynamics of silence (and loyalty), in-group affiliations, notions of sacrifice, and the attribution of blame; political successes both national and international will also serve to frame the analysis.     

Repair,stigmatisation or tolerance? Former girl soldiers’ experience of their ‘homecoming’

This paper examines how 12 former girl soldiers in eastern Congo experience their social reintegration back into their families and communities. A successful social reintegration process is conceptualised as one which involves repaired relationships characterised by positive emotions towards and social acceptance of former girl soldiers. Dijker and Koomen’s theory on social control mechanisms is used to analyse the data, and attitudes and treatment experienced by the girls are categorised as repair, stigmatisation or tolerance. Individual interviews with former girl soldiers paint a picture of a homecoming characterised by frequent stigmatisation, some repair and little tolerance both from family and community. Although some repair processes are taking place, many former girl soldiers experience being perceived as a threat to social norms as well as to health and safety. This may partly be explained by the devastating imprint war and armed conflict frequently leaves on people and societies. War appears to breed more authoritarian values and fearful responses to objectionable or deviant behaviour and conditions, and seems to put collective values of caring and sharing under pressure.     

Let's make it two

Throughout the industrialized world the birth rate has fallen to barely replacement level. Economic pressure is the main brake. Family income is reduced when the mother leaves work to bear and rear children just when family expenditure is increased; the major item of expenditure is the need for extra space. Consequences for children will include the financial and economic burdens of sustaining an increasingly elderly society. But loneliness is the greatest burden that the child must bear as the result of being an only child, or only 1 of 2. Moreover, social mobility has broken the extended family. The child therefore faces over-intense relationships with his parents, which can actually cripple development. Worse, the child may have only 1 parent with whom to relate because divorce rates are rocketing. Every year divorce cases leave a million American children in single parent families; 1 in 3 children born in the 1970s will have this experience. More widespread is the loss of the full time mother because she works and probably expects to work. She may see the child as an encumbrance. The television set has become the surrogate parent. Fathers are unable to sustain the emotional demands because they face their greatest career anxieties during the child-rearing years. The psychological effect is uncharted, but many children of today may be suffering the trauma of rejection.     

东北老工业基地企业中的“义家族”现象分析

义家族是企业组织内靠哥们儿义气联系在一起并按照家族方式行为组成的人际网络。通过义家族网络可以在某些情况下提高办事效率、降低企业治理中的道德风险、快速形成企业的统一价值观和增进人际关系的融洽程度,还能够快速地形成核心和骨干员工的网络,在义家族内部能够更有效地激励其成员,对义家族成员的选择提供了一种前馈控制的机制,等等,这些都是企业管理的有利因素。同时,义家族成员奉行的义气至上行为准则,会导致企业组织目标迷失,破坏企业秩序,还会产生排外意识,导致组织内政治行为泛滥,扭曲员工的价值观,这些是义家族对企业管理的消极影响。改善老工业基地企业的管理,需要对义家族实施扬长避短、惩恶扬善的对策。     

Preliminary results from voices of the Mada'in: a tribal history and study of one of Baghdad's six rural districts

From July to October 2008, Human Terrain Team Iraq 6 (HTT IZ6) undertook an oral tribal study and social history project in Mada'in Qada, Iraq. During that four-month period IZ6 formally interviewed over forty tribal leaders. At the same time team members participated in humanitarian assistance operations with internally displaced persons (IDPs), as well as regular citizens of the region. In both the formal, elite-level interviews and the participant observations, four major themes became apparent: (1) The tribal law, written or oral, is often generally perceived as codes, covenants, and/or constitutions. (2) The tribal legal system and the tribal courts are an adversarial and remedial/restorative justice mediation system. (3) The Government of Iraq (GOI) is perceived as being under foreign influence. Members of the GOI are commonly referred to as Iranian agents, Iranians, Zoroastrians and/or fire worshippers (Mithraites) by both Sunnis and Shi'a alike. And (4) the dispute between Sunni and Shi'a is predominantly about resources, not religion. The purpose of this article is to describe the task order for the project, describe the oral history project itself, discuss the research challenges that arose in a semi-permissive environment, present the preliminary findings and tie them into the reality of the ongoing Counterinsurgency Operations in Iraq.