叱咤阿塞拜疆政坛的阿利耶夫父子

阿塞拜疆面积仅有8．66万平方公里,人口只有850万左右,可谓“小国寡民”;但其富有石油资源并扼里海能源外运咽喉,成为大国在外高加索地区争夺的重点。1991年独立之初,阿塞拜疆一度内外交困,危机重重。经过盖达尔·阿利耶夫（老阿利耶夫）和伊利哈姆·阿利耶夫父子两代总统的治理,社会政治保持稳定,     

父亲,责任

<正>孩子的成功,源自父亲的责任,而不是母亲……每一个父母都想送给孩子们一个能够终生受益的礼物,1944年夏天美国莫尔豪斯学院大学校长Benjamin-Maze博士应一位父亲的要求写给他即将上学的小男孩的一段话,至今仍然被人传颂,它改变了很多人的一生,包括马丁·路德·金、美国总统奥巴马、微软之父比尔·盖次等.     

抚养纠纷中未成年子女的地位分析及程序保障

在民事领域中,婚姻家庭与未成年人关系最为紧密。保护未成年人的合法权益离不开对婚姻家庭关系的深入研究。因此,应当以抚养关系和抚养纠纷为切入点,从未成年子女的角度解读抚养关系。可以对诉讼过程中征求子女意见的程序进行改革,并在审理中适当向职权模式倾斜,发挥审判人员的职权,以此弥补子女在地位和能力上的天然弱势,保障其得以表达自己独立的意志。针对目前由于未成年人在诉讼行为能力上的欠缺,无法就抚养问题与父母双方同时抗衡的盲点,也可以在一定程度上对指定代理人制度进行灵活适用,实现对子女救济。     

Like Red Tulips at Springtime: Understanding the Absence of Female Martyrs in Afghanistan

In an era where female suicide terrorism is on the rise in conflict regions such as the Middle East, the North Caucasus, and South Asia, why has Afghanistan been largely immune to this trend? Why do some violent groups use female suicide terrorism and others avoid it? This is a critical question for policy makers and analysts attempting to understand a dangerous terrorist phenomenon and how it may evolve in Afghanistan. During the anti-Soviet jihad, narratives were woven of men and women marching through the mountains of Nuristan to “offer their blood for the Islamic revolution like red tulips at springtime.” But today, women are wholly absent from the Taliban and their jihad in Afghanistan. This article analyzes, in particular, the absence of women in Taliban martyrdom operations. There are three primary findings from this study that explain the low propensity for female suicide bombers in Afghanistan. First, a permissive social and geographic environment in Afghanistan gives insurgents freedom of mobility and a resistance capacity characterized by a reduced necessity for female suicide bombers; second, the capacity of a fiercely conservative culture restricts female participation in both Afghan society and within insurgent organizations; and third, the pronounced absence of a female culture of martyrdom limits women from participation in insurgent actions and narratives.     

Japan,Russia, and the Northern Territories: Continuities,changes, obstacles,opportunities

The so-called collapse of communism has reinforced powerful North American- and Western-European-centred visions which continue to see 'Western' models of development as the key to modernization world-wide. The end of the Cold War has also drawn renewed attention to the rise of an increasingly dynamic capitalist East Asia, which has brought with it triumphant East Asian-centred discourses which celebrate East Asianstyle development models distinct from and superior to 'Western' models of development. At the same time, challenges to the dominant discourses and the emergent post-Cold War capitalist order continue to emerge from numerous angles and at multiple sites. Two recent books represent important efforts at critically examining global inequality and articulating alternative perspectives to the dominant international narratives on development and social change. In After the Revolution , Arif Dirlik attempts to recast and recuperate Marxism so that it can play a role in progressive politics at the end of the twentieth century. Meanwhile, Arturo Escobar's new work seeks to engage critically with the dominant Western discourse on 'development' and sketch out alternative post-development trajectories from a position that synthesises post-structural analysis with the insights and concerns of grassroots activists-writers and the new social movements. Beginning with Escobar's book, I will examine some of the key themes and draw out what I see as some of the main analytical strengths and weaknesses of these two contributions to the post-Cold War development debate.