布什连任后的美国对华政策

2005年1月20日,美国举行了乔治·W·布什连任美国总统的就职仪式.小布什新政府对华外交政策的走向是继续保持"建设性合作关系"呢?还是回到视中国为"战略竞争对手"的政策?是人们关注的问题.     

坚持改革提升国力--从普京国情咨文看俄内外政策走向

4月3日,俄罗斯总统普京向俄议会上下两院议员和政府官员作了一年一度的国情咨文报告,全面分析了目前俄的形势,对今年俄的内政外交方针提出了新思路.     

美国经济:布什连任后的关键一步

2004年美国总统大选,布什胜出,这件事对美国,对世界都有重要影响.布什连任,共和党在参众两院获得优势,加上布什新班子的组成,它所发出的信号是:未来四年,无论在政治领域,经济领域还是意识形态领域,布什将按照自己的理念,信心十足地大步前进,保守主义倾向在美国将进一步加强,这无疑是观察今后四年美国政治经济生活的关键所在.     

布什连任对美国内政治的影响

11月3日,美国大选终以克里"高姿态"地承认失败而告终,布什以51%对48%的普选得票率以及286张对252张的选举人票优势连任美国第55届总统.在同日举行的国会和州长选举中,共和党分别比上一届新增参议员4名,众议员4名,并继续保持州长职位过半的优势.这种共和党"一统天下"的政治格局将对美国内政治发展产生重要影响.     

从美国两党代表大会看其政策走向

前不久,美国民主、共和两党分别在波士顿和纽约召开全国代表大会,分别正式提名克里、布什为党的总统候选人,并通过新党纲,从而为两党总统竞选正式拉开了序幕.从两党竞选纲领和两位总统候选人发表的言论可以清楚地看到两党今后的基本政策走向.     

从撤军阿富汗看美国中亚政策的调整

拜登政府上台后,出于对美国国家安全利益的考虑,决定自2021年5月1日起撤离阿富汗,并计划于9月11日前完成撤军.2021年8月15日塔利班占领阿富汗首都喀布尔后,美军不得不提前撤离.随着美国撤军和塔利班夺取政权,阿富汗及中亚地区的形势出现了急剧变化.在此背景下,美国不得不重新调整其中亚政策,以适应阿富汗形势与美国国家安全利益需求的变化.     

从美国总统竞选看其中东政策走向

美国总统选举已经持续了一年多。在今后两个月中，民主党的奥巴马和共和党的麦凯恩作为两党推出的候选人将展开一场激烈的政治厮杀。尽管国内经济问题以及由此引发的各种社会问题将成为竞选的中心议题，但是在外交政策方面，中东问题将不可避免地成为政治角逐的焦点之一。     

从社会党国际22大看其新世纪的战略调整

苏东剧变后 ,社会党国际为应对严峻挑战进行了一系列战略调整 ,而 2 2大则是对新世纪战略调整的深化和发展。其新战略的实质就是通过民主的全球治理 ,进而控制全球化 ,逐步实现世界民主。     

拉马福萨连任后南非的政策取向与中南经贸合作前景

2019年5月,南非进行了国民议会和省级立法机构选举,执政党非洲人国民大会(非国大)赢得胜利,非国大主席、现任南非总统西里尔·拉马福萨成功连任。在南非新内阁中拉马福萨地位稳固,施政羁绊减弱,使其坚持的治理腐败、国企改革、吸引外资、精简机构、土地改革等政策主张得以延续。未来5年,拉马福萨政府将聚焦社会经济变革,力图重振南非经济,但面临着如何巩固非国大执政地位、促进经济持续增长、推动国企和土地改革、管理外来移民等方面的挑战。拉马福萨执政总体上有利于中南两国经贸合作的开展,南非仍是中非高质量共建一带一路中发挥引领示范作用的支柱性国家。     

新瓶旧酒老调重弹--解读布什2006年国情咨文

1月31日,美国总统布什在国会山发表了2006年度国情咨文,阐述了白宫在新一年中的内政和外交政策.这是布什第二任期以来发表的第二份国情咨文.在52分钟的演讲中,布什首先老调重谈外交领域"推广民主自由"的重要性,就是要在世界上"结束暴政,推进自由",在伊拉克和阿富汗继续坚持并与恐怖主义斗争到底,使美国更加安全.     

“普京计划”的延续——2008年梅德韦杰夫总统国情咨文政治内容评析

2008年11月5日，梅德韦杰夫首次发表总统国情咨文。国情咨文发表的背景既有俄格冲突和全球金融危机带来深刻影响的外部因素，也有俄罗斯最高权力更迭后如何解决发展道路继承性的内部因素。尤其让世人关注梅德韦杰夫首份国情咨文的原因在于：2007年国家杜马选举以来，俄罗斯形成的“普京计划”已经成为俄罗斯的治国理念与战略规划，从而使得当前俄罗斯发展的核心问题已经从发展道路的“继承性”转到全面执行“普京计划”上。那么，     

The Impact of Rural Votes in Foreign Policies: The FTA Policies under the DPJ Government in Japan

The recent trend of bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) has pressured the governments of many countries to make such arrangements with their trade partners. Since its foundation in 1998, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has advocated free trade policies, partly because the party was an urban-based party. Thus, many expected that, when the DPJ assumed power in 2009, it would implement free trade policies as it had promised in the past. However, the DPJ government failed to deliver on its promise after spending three and a half years in office. It contrasts sharply with the Korean government under the leadership of Lee Myung-bak, which managed to conclude FTAs with its major trade partners, including the United States and the European Union. Both governments' free trade policies faced strong opposition from the agricultural industry, as farmers in Japan and Korea lacked international competitiveness. What explains the reasons why the Japanese government has been struggling to implement its free trade policies, while its Korean counterpart succeeded in signing a number of FTAs? Focusing primarily on the case of Japan and using the Korean case as reference, this study tries to provide an explanation for this puzzle by analyzing the impact of rural votes in the policy-making process.     

在中俄执政党对话机制第二次会议开幕式上的致辞

俄中执政党对话机制第二次会议的召开充分证明,俄中两国以及统一俄罗斯党和中国共产党的关系不断巩固与深化。今年恰逢两党建立关系十周年,举办这项活动具有里程碑意义。     

苏联顾问在东欧:一个历史考察

二战之后,随着东西方冷战思维的形成和冷战的加剧,随着苏联东欧政策的根本转变,一大批苏联顾问出现在东欧地区.他们为什么而来?他们的到来给东欧各国造成了什么影响?本文拟根据近年来解密的俄罗斯档案材料,对二战后苏联派遣顾问到东欧地区的经过、动机与影响进行剖析和考察.     

Small States and Nonmaterial Power: Creating Crises and Shaping Migration Policies in Malta,Cyprus, and the European Union

This article examines how the power relationships between Malta and the Republic of Cyprus, on the one hand, and the European Union, on the other, shape irregular immigration policies in these two sovereign outpost island states in the Mediterranean. As member states on the EU's southern periphery, Malta and Cyprus have faced new institutional structures since their accession in 2004 within which they now construct their migration policies. Here, I examine how the new structures influence the discourse and logic of migration policies and politics and also how the seemingly small and powerless states affect regional policies. My contention is that, within this EU framework and with limited material power, the two outpost states have developed strategies based on nonmaterial power in order to defend and promote their interests. Such strategies have resulted in treating irregular immigration as a crisis in order to attract support. The new dynamics have thus resulted in more barriers to migration, and in negative consequences for the individual migrants and refugees on the islands. Although the strategies of Malta and Cyprus have been surprisingly successful in influencing regional migration governance, their long-term effectiveness is questionable, and their effects on the migrant and local population problematic.     

Networks and Public Policies in the Global South: The Chilean Case and the Future of the Developmental Network State

Recently, there has been considerable excitement about the economic potential of the “developmental network state”—decentralized government policies that successfully accelerated growth in several high- and medium-income countries. The question remains whether such a strategy could be successful in less-developed nations whose scientific and technological resources were relatively limited. This paper analyzes the trajectory of Chile, a Southern country which, despite adverse conditions, managed to produce something akin to an economic miracle during the last few decades. Our argument is that Chile’s success was based on the developmental network state strategy. Moreover, we highlight the centrality to understanding the Chilean experience of the concept of “network failures”—a common phenomenon that occurs when domestic production would be best served by network forms of organization but for a variety of reasons, these networks either fail to materialize or fail to take hold (Schrank and Whitford 2011). Over and over again, we see that the logic behind the actions of the Chilean state was to provide resources that reduced the likelihood of network failures. We examine three case studies of successful export sectors: salmon; wine; and fruit and vegetables. The paper outlines some of the challenges faced by the Chilean model and assesses its long-term viability.