Commercial Diplomacy and Statecraft in the Context of Economic Reform: The Indian Experience

It is almost a decade since India began its economic reforms. Apart from the purely domestic economic objectives that the reforms were expected to achieve, there was a recognition that reform was imperative if India wanted to become an economic power of consequence within and beyond its region. This had important foreign policy implications. Official pronouncements reflected the concern that the balance of fiscal power as opposed to military power was the key factor in determining a country's international standing. This called for an integrated strategy to bring economic and foreign policies closer. The implementation of a vigorous foreign economic policy could not be undertaken without sharpening the commercial diplomatic tool. Indian foreign policy over the last decade has been grappling with this challenge. This article analyses the reorientation in Indian foreign policy, assesses the efforts undertaken so far to make commercial diplomacy viable and highlights the challenges that multi-layered diplomacy poses for a country like India.     

中印经济改革与发展道路的比较和思考

1980年代以来,中印经济加速增长,使中国和印度都成为世界经济增长最快的发展中国家和新兴经济体。但是,中印在经济改革和发展中,却走上了不同的发展道路,并采取了不同的经济发展模式。本文论述了中印经济发展模式的特征,并分析了造成中印选择不同发展模式的原因。     

Commercial Interests and Calculated Compassion: The Diplomacy and Paradiplomacy of Releasing the Lockerbie Bomber

The release of the only man convicted of the bombing of Pan-Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland in December 1988 is the most significant diplomatic decision taken by the Scottish government. The decision constituted a two-level process: the British government's behaviour was characterised by commercial interests; and the Scottish governments by calculated compassion. Britain's policy was steered by its national interest in securing Libya's rehabilitation into international society and ensuring that British businesses could benefit. Scotland's paradiplomacy shifted from a strategy of avoidance to one using the release to further the idea of an independent Scotland. Presenting the release in such a way was to bolster the idea of Scotland as a distinct entity with its own set of values, laws, and customs and possessing an ability to operate autonomously on the international stage.     

Neo-Kantianism and Coercive Diplomacy: The Complex Case of Economic Sanctions

Although voluminous research connects the neo-Kantian triad—democracy, economic interdependence, and intergovernmental organization membership—to amelioration of conflict processes, comparatively little is known about how these factors relate to economic coercion. We advance the relevant literature on neo-Kantianism and the determinants of sanction decisions by (1) analyzing the impact of all three neo-Kantian factors on economic coercion and (2) assessing the effects of these factors across both the onset of threat and imposition of sanctions. Results from the time-series, cross-national data analyses indicate a significant but complex connection between the neo-Kantian variables and sanctions. Specifically, we find that although democratic regimes are less likely to threaten each other with sanctions, once a threat is made, democracies are more likely to impose sanctions against each other. Economic interdependence and common IGO membership are likely to increase the probability of sanction threats. Yet, the results also suggest that common IGO membership decreases the probability of sanction imposition while economic interdependence has no statistically significant effect on the decision to impose sanctions. Overall, these results highlight the importance of a more nuanced study of sanction decisions for a better understanding of the factors that lead to sanction use.     

The New Aerospace Diplomacy: Reconstructing Post-Cold War US-Russian Economic Relations

Post-Cold War U.S.-Russian diplomacy reveals the increased importance of new diplomatic actors and processes, whilst underscoring the continued key role of state-state negotiation in reconstructing the bilateral relationship between the United States and post-Soviet Russia. The Clinton administration and Yeltsin government negotiated measures to promote political stability, democratization, and conversion to a neoliberal market economy in Russia, a centrepiece of which was the integration of Russia's globally competitive aerospace sector into the global production chain. Establishing the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission, a top-level binational economic and technology policy committee, and signing a bilateral trade liberalization treaty on commercial satellite launch services paved the way for public-public and public-private bilateral space cooperation, and for major private joint ventures between US and Russian aerospace firms.     

The New Aerospace Diplomacy: Reconstructing Post-Cold War US-Russian Economic Relations

Post-Cold War U.S.-Russian diplomacy reveals the increased importance of new diplomatic actors and processes, whilst underscoring the continued key role of state-state negotiation in reconstructing the bilateral relationship between the United States and post-Soviet Russia. The Clinton administration and Yeltsin government negotiated measures to promote political stability, democratization, and conversion to a neoliberal market economy in Russia, a centrepiece of which was the integration of Russia’s globally competitive aerospace sector into the global production chain. Establishing the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission, a top-level binational economic and technology policy committee, and signing a bilateral trade liberalization treaty on commercial satellite launch services paved the way for public-public and public-private bilateral space cooperation, and for major private joint ventures between US and Russian aerospace firms.     

浅析印度经济增长的动力

中印是全球经济增长最快的两个发展中大国,但其增长模式却差异很大。印度的经济增长更具潜力和动力,因为推动印度经济增长的因素是:以信息产业为核心的服务业:低投入、高效率的增长模式和强有实力的私营企业。     

日本经济外交政策的转变及其影响

21世纪初期日本经济外交随着日本国家战略与日本国内、国际局势的变化出现了急剧转变。2005年以前,是以入常为核心、由大国战略支配下的经济外交政策。当时日本经济外交十分重视政府开发援助(ODA)这一政策手段,目的是推动加入安理会常任理事国的实现。到2005年以后,走向尚不完全明确,但追求双边、多边和地区经济合作,服务于日本国家新的政治战略和经济利益的政策宗旨没有改变。其中,以参加跨太平洋经济伙伴合作协定(TPP)等地区合作成为重点,也包括同东盟、大湄公河、印度、中韩等国家和地区经济紧密合作、自由贸易区合作等。同时,遏制中国色彩的政策成分日益凸显。     

试论印度参与国际合作

冷战结束后,随着全球化的不断深入和发展,不仅全球性的问题日益突出而且世界各国的联系日益密切,国际组织和国际机制日益兴起,其作用有不断得到强化的趋势。在这种情况下,任何国家都不可能游离于国际组织和国际机制之外独立发展。于是,印度政府转变思维方式,开始在国际机制下通过加强国际合作来谋求自身的国家利益。但与此同时,印度对美国主宰和奉行的“新体制主义”深为警惕,极力主张多极化世界格局,力争自己在其中谋得一席之地。     

Conflicting Identities: French Economic Diplomacy between the State and Companies in the Twentieth Century

The question of diplomatic identity has rarely seen study from a specifically historical perspective rooted in the long term. This analysis explores the role and self-perceptions of an unknown and, yet, central actor in the French economic diplomacy: the commercial counsellor. It offers new and stimulating ideas on the entangled links between State and the business sphere in France. The fundamental ambivalence of the commercial counsellor’s identity illuminates the atypical nature of French commercial diplomacy from 1918 to the 2000s. Through assimilation into the Ministry of Economy and in a Janus-like role facing both the Quai d’Orsay and French companies, French commercial counsellors have had to endure a complicated situation whilst remaining the Cinderella of the diplomatic sphere. Deploying an historical analysis to enrich the contemporary debate on the state of diplomacy, this study explores the impact of interventions by non-state actors at the heart of the diplomatic machinery. Far from being an innovation of the 1990s, this intervention was a recurring theme throughout the twentieth century, and its examination sheds new light on the persistence of the neo-corporatist practice of commercial diplomacy in France.     

全球化时代中共对西半球国家之经济外交

20世纪90年代末以来,中共愈来愈意识到拉丁美洲的重要性,特别是在胡锦涛领导下,中共的外交政策与经济发展关系更密切。中共对拉美外交也因此出现了新方向,即双赢互利。对中国大陆而言,为了持续的发展,它必须在全世界寻找能源、原料和食粮,甚至要不计代价去获得。而西半球国家拥有丰富的石油和各种重要矿藏,对其经济发展至关重要。对拉美国家来说,中国大陆拥有它们所需要的资金和技术以及广大的市场。但是,进口中南美的石油面临炼油厂设施、石油内陆运送至港口及石油海运回中国大陆三大难题,解决这三大难题都必须付出巨大代价。只要经济继续平稳成长,中共从国家整体战略的考量出发,与拉美国家的关系会愈来愈密切,愈来愈繁复,也会有愈来愈多的挑战。     

改革开放三十年来的中国能源外交

改革开放30年来,随着中国经济的发展和与能源相关的全球性问题日显突出,中国能源外交的作用逐步上升,不仅为中国的和平发展创造了良好的外部能源安全环境,也为维护利益相关地区、乃至全球的能源安全、能源合作、能源的可持续发展而做出了重要贡献.     

Making Room at the Negotiating Table: The Growth of Diplomacy between Nation-State Governments and Non-State Economic Entities

The study of diplomacy has traditionally focused on relationships and interactions between the governments of nation-states, empires, principalities, and similar politicies. This state-centric view has been challenged in recent times by scholars who have sought to take into account the proliferation of different types of actors in the international arena. This paper address diplomacy between governments and non-state economic entities, a broad category of bodies extending from multilateral economic institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and GATT/World Trade Organization to consultative and knowledge-generating bodies such as the World Economic Forum and International Chamber of Commerce.     

文化外交在当代中俄关系中的作用

冷战结束后,和平与发展成为时代主题,文化因素对国际关系的影响日益凸显,并由此产生了一种新型外交方式——文化外交。中俄两国比邻而居,有着近四百年的交往史,文化交流更是在其中起到重要作用。随着文化外交日益受到各国政府的重视,中俄文化交流不断擦出新火花。实践证明,文化外交在巩固中俄两国高层政治关系、推动经贸合作和扩大民间交往方面有不可替代的作用。     

试析基奎特总统的经济外交

经济外交是坦桑尼亚新任总统基奎特外交政策的基石,其主要内容是通过外交行为争取获得更多的国际援助和外商投资等经济利益,促进经济发展,增进国家利益。基奎特作为一位强势总统,推行这一政策具有得天独厚的条件大多数民众的拥护与支持、出色的个人领导才能、切实可行的政治经济发展战略,以及良好的国际合作氛围。产生于反对改革的阻力与诸多社会问题、多党民主制带来的负面作用,以及国家主权受到侵蚀等,则是坦桑推行经济外交的不利因素。