'Not Proficient in Table-Thumping': Sir Ernest Satow at Peking, 1900-1906

The deployment and control of nuclear weapons in Europe was a major aspect of Cold War diplomacy. The Multilateral Force (MLF) is a prime example. First proposed in 1960, the MLF attempted to reconcile European demands for collective alliance control within the broader framework of US nonproliferation policy. The MLF was opposed by both Britain and France, who feared the proposal would lead to a nuclear armed West Germany. To counter the MLF, the Wilson government advanced an alternate scheme ‐ the Atlantic Nuclear Force (ANF). This article examines British objectives in advancing the ANF. It contends that the ANF was not a cynical attempt to frustrate the MLF, as suggested by previous commentators, but embodied a serious attempt by the Labour government to implement a nonproliferation regime.     

'Not Proficient in Table-Thumping': Sir Ernest Satow at Peking, 1900-1906

Satow's diplomatic career was more multifaceted than the older, often Japan-centred, assessments of his work suggest. His period as minister to China especially has not been given the attention it deserves. His appointment to the Peking legation coincided with one of the most momentous periods in Sino-Western relations in the aftermath of the Boxer crisis of 1900. Satow exercised significant influence on the negotiations which led to the Boxer settlement of September 1901; and he proved to be a shrewd and skilful player in the Great Power competition for influence in China. The last two years of his term at the head of the Peking legation were taken up with steering British diplomacy through the turbulences caused by the Russo-Japanese War.     

Sir Ernest Satow and the 1907 Second Hague Peace Conference

Based on Satow's own account of the conference in his diaries, this article examines the role played by Sir Ernest Satow as the second plenipotentiary on the British delegation at the Second Hague Peace Conference in 1907. His previous experience at the post-Boxer conference at Peking in 1900-1901 stood Satow in good stead during the preparations for the conference as well as once the actual negotiations commenced. His main contribution to the proceedings at The Hague, however, was the preparatory work for the London Naval Conference of 1909. Satow's stance towards the negotiations of 1907 marks him out as a predecessor of twentieth-century internationalists.     

Sir Ernest Satow and the 1907 Second Hague Peace Conference

Based on Satow's own account of the conference in his diaries, this article examines the role played by Sir Ernest Satow as the second plenipotentiary on the British delegation at the Second Hague Peace Conference in 1907. His previous experience at the post-Boxer conference at Peking in 1900-1901 stood Satow in good stead during the preparations for the conference as well as once the actual negotiations commenced. His main contribution to the proceedings at The Hague, however, was the preparatory work for the London Naval Conference of 1909. Satow's stance towards the negotiations of 1907 marks him out as a predecessor of twentieth-century internationalists.     

Sir Ernest Satow in Tokyo, 1895-1900: From Triple Intervention to Boxer Rebellion

Satow's term as minister plenipotentiary at Tokyo has not been studied much in detail, though it is arguably the highpoint of his career as a diplomat. Satow was the first British envoy to Japan to have a profound, scholarly understanding of Japanese culture and politics gained over many years of residence in the country. This article offers a survey of Satow's diplomatic activities, and focuses especially on the revision of the so-called unequal treaties in 1899 and the marked improvement in Anglo-Japanese relations during this period.     

Sir Ernest Satow in Tokyo, 1895-1900: From Triple Intervention to Boxer Rebellion

Satow's term as minister plenipotentiary at Tokyo has not been studied much in detail, though it is arguably the highpoint of his career as a diplomat. Satow was the first British envoy to Japan to have a profound, scholarly understanding of Japanese culture and politics gained over many years of residence in the country. This article offers a survey of Satow's diplomatic activities, and focuses especially on the revision of the so-called unequal treaties in 1899 and the marked improvement in Anglo-Japanese relations during this period.     

Ernest Satow's Early Career as Diplomatic Interpreter

This article is concerned with Satow's seven years as diplomatic interpreter in the Japan of the fateful 1860s. He was sent first to Peking because the Foreign Office in its ignorance thought that Japanese was very similar to Chinese, but this detour did at least enable him to meet there another notable British diplomatic interpreter, Thomas Wade. He soon learned better about Japanese, and once he had mastered it fluently he became a privileged observer of traditional society and culture in the crucial period when it was being shaken by the first rumblings of the Meiji era. He was therefore able to render outstanding service to his head of mission, who was himself an ex-interpreter. Satow went on to enjoy a long and distinguished career in the diplomatic corps, rising from interpreter to ambassador.     

Ernest Satow's Early Career as Diplomatic Interpreter

This article is concerned with Satow's seven years as diplomatic interpreter in the Japan of the fateful 1860s. He was sent first to Peking because the Foreign Office in its ignorance thought that Japanese was very similar to Chinese, but this detour did at least enable him to meet there another notable British diplomatic interpreter, Thomas Wade. He soon learned better about Japanese, and once he had mastered it fluently he became a privileged observer of traditional society and culture in the crucial period when it was being shaken by the first rumblings of the Meiji era. He was therefore able to render outstanding service to his head of mission, who was himself an ex-interpreter. Satow went on to enjoy a long and distinguished career in the diplomatic corps, rising from interpreter to ambassador.     

Entente Neo-Coloniale?: Ernest Bevin and the Proposals for an Anglo-French Third World Power, 1945-1949

Ernest Bevin made the Third World Power project his own. He sought an imperial grouping led by Britain and France with economic and defence components and social-democratic values. It was to be a way to access raw materials and bolster European economies, and in time to create a global, strategic space between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Bevin's alternative vision failed, in part because the demands of cold war bipolarity trumped the Third World Power concept. The project was also poorly conceived and badly managed, and did not stem antagonism between Britain and France. France, unlike Britain, was also soon able to upgrade its imperial commercial interests through the European Communities.     

印巴关系由对抗走向缓和

本文概述了2 0 0 4年以来印巴关系走向缓和的主要情况,并分协了印巴关系的发展前景,作者认为,印巴关系真正缓和还有很长的路要走。     

遏制的转向:“梅普组合”时期的中俄美三角关系

本文扼要阐述2008年5月至2012年5月"梅普组合"时期中俄美三角关系的变化。随着俄美关系的缓和,美国已将遏制战略竞争者的矛头对准中国,但这种遏制已经与冷战年代有着很大的不同,是接触中的遏制。同时,中俄战略协作出现了以往没有的政治与经济平衡发展的势头,快速发展的美俄经贸合作和能源合作对中俄相关领域的合作构成了极大的挑战。     

中国与英国对非洲经贸关系比较

中、英两国与非洲都有密切的经贸关系.由于政治历史和地理原因,英国与非洲(尤其是英联邦非洲)的经贸交往比中国与非洲更为悠久,历史上也更为密切.但近年来,随着中国生产能力的快速增长,中非贸易发展迅猛,自2004年起已超过英非贸易.在投资方面,英国以私人为主、官方为辅的对非洲投资历时长久,在英国政府的鼓励和促进政策下,至今仍在不断增长;中国以国有企业为主的对非洲投资在近十年来有较快发展,但投资总额仍远低于英国,并由于投资经营等方面的经验与能力问题,中、英两国在对非洲承揽承包工程的最大差别则是英国公司多属私人资本,而中国公司多为国有企业.从未来发展趋势看,中、英两国在对非洲发展经贸关系上存在竞争,也存在合作的潜力.     

美国的反堕胎运动与宗教原教旨主义

1987年11月28日,美国新泽西州的切里希尔市爆发了美国反堕胎运动历史上第一次大规模的“营救行动”,300名“营救者”把当地一家堕胎诊所围得水泄不通,并与前来维持秩序的警察发生激烈冲突,导致200余名“营救者”被捕入狱。此次事件是美国反堕胎运动发展进程中一个重要的插曲,标志着反堕胎斗争的策略发生重大转变,并催生了“营救行动”这样一个激进的反堕胎组织。该组织在兰德尔·特里这位基督徒的领导下,通过全新的斗争方式大力开展反堕胎行动,进而把美国宗教色彩浓重的反堕胎运动推向一个新的阶段。反堕胎运动的兴起与发展1973年1月22日,美…     

反全球化运动

在20世纪末全球化迅猛发展的过程中,一股与其针锋相对的“反全球化”浪潮也随之出现,并逐渐发展成政治运动,影响着全球化的发展进程。 一、反全球化运动的主要目标和方式 反全球化运动又称“第三种全球集体行动”,涉及全球各地数百个团体,主要有工会组织、人权分子、无政府主义者、环保主义者、动物权利保护者、社会主义者、性别平等主义者、白人至上主义者与极端主义者等等。他们都有自己特定的利益,因为反全球化而走到一起。     

中东和平进程中的以巴水问题

约旦河西岸和加沙地带的水资源对以色列具有重要意义。以色列对这两个地区水资源的掠夺，侵害了巴勒斯坦人应有的水权利，并严重违反了有关国际法和联合国决议。以巴水问题和土地问题、政治问题等纠缠在一起，与中东和平进程密切相关，不会在一朝一夕内得到解决。