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1.
Otto Singer 《German politics》2013,22(1):78-94
The political dynamics of unification brought about a rapid transition from a largely self‐contained socialist economy to a monetary union and at the same time initiated a painful adjustment process. The article analyses public debates and interpretations of economic events and prospects which contributed to the construction of the economic‐political dimensions of German unification. 相似文献
2.
Christine Trampusch 《German politics》2013,22(1):14-32
Analysing the careers of members of the Bundestag Standing Committee for Labour and Social Affairs, the paper demonstrates that the ties between social politicians and social policy organisations such as trade unions, faith-based social policy organisations, independent charity organisations, works councils and social insurance institutions have become blurred. Since the 1990s social politicians have become more focused on political careers in the party and in parliament than on social policy. The new social politicians are party politicians who have distanced themselves from the interest groups. The qualitative change in parliamentary personnel is explained by changes in electoral politics, parties and interest groups. The author argues that the weakening linkages confirm contemporary research results on change in German neo-corporatism. 相似文献
3.
ABSTRACTUnlike the period before World War II, the Malaysian Chinese no longer look towards China as a home they will ultimately return to. This is seen in the flow of funds to China from the Malaysian Chinese. Before the war the motivation was patrimonial. The funds were in the form of patriotic bonds and collections and remittances that went to the home provinces of the Malaysian Chinese mostly in Fujian and Guangdong. Since the 1990s the funds flow has mainly been in the form of investment meant for gaining profit. This motivation was not different from that of business investors from other nations investing in China. It is important to demonstrate this motivation in order to allay suspicions by indigenous Southeast Asians that the Chinese who live in Southeast Asia are diverting funds meant for Southeast Asia to China. 相似文献
4.
Fidelma Ashe 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2009,11(2):298-314
Community-based restorative justice (CBRJ) schemes emerged in Northern Ireland during the 'peace process' to provide an alternative to paramilitary systems of justice. These initiatives have received considerable academic attention. A complex and critical literature has now emerged in this area; however, extant explorations of CBRJ have tended to sideline issues of gender power. Feminists and international bodies, such as the United Nations, have highlighted the importance of addressing historical gendered inequities in terms of the design and evaluation of conflict transformation initiatives. Drawing on contemporary feminist frameworks this article exposes the importance of the category of gender in evaluations of CBRJ in Northern Ireland. Moreover, it scrutinises the theoretical processes through which issues of gender power have been filtered out of evaluations of community-based restorative justice schemes in the region. 相似文献
5.
本文考察了二战后美国对外宣传执行机构从国务院组织框架下的国际新闻署到独立的美国新闻署的发展历程,并通过分析美国对外宣传执行机构在美国政府部门中的地位的变迁展示美国政府对外宣传的发展. 相似文献
6.
Sofía Mercader 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2021,40(3):432-445
This article analyses the revision of the Argentine intellectual tradition demonstrated in the magazine Punto de vista throughout its first nineteen issues, published during the last Argentine dictatorship (1976–1983). From Sarmiento and the generation of 1837 to Borges and the Sur generation, the reassessment of Argentine intellectuals' legacies set out by editors of Punto de vista was an explicit attempt to insert the magazine into a recognised intellectual lineage. At the same time, it responded to a search for identity prompted by the critical and repressive context in which the magazine was first published. 相似文献
7.
苏联解体后,在后苏联空间国家突然拥有国家主权的条件下,新政治精英需要建立一个新的政治-法律空间。对这些国家而言,设计与现实相适应的政治-法律制度、建立稳定的国家体制、制定和实施有效的国家政策的过程过于拖延,前景令人质疑,而且即将面临政治代际更替的全新挑战。后苏联空间非常复杂,但也因此是研究和政治设计的重要地区。20多年的实践表明,不应期待后苏联空间的快速转型。大多数后苏联空间国家未完成国家建设和制度建设,这使形势复杂化,可能导致巨大的变数,包括冲突和诉诸武力。但是,外部环境仍逼迫变革。对于后苏联空间国家而言,变革具有政治理性化和政治制度形式化的目的,包括以法律形式固定政治制度和强制政治设计者更多地在正式法律范围内行事,而达到上述目的的选择包括革命性变革或自上而下的革命。 相似文献
8.
Leonidas Oikonomakis 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2019,38(5):654-669
How do social movements form their political strategies? The relevant theory pays considerable attention to structure, and argues that when political opportunities are open, movements are more likely to opt for a systemic political strategy; when they are closed, movements are expected to take a more revolutionary turn. However, political opportunities can make some options appear more ‘realistic’ and others less so, but movements don't always behave ‘realistically’. They might explain when movements are more likely to mobilise and what repertoires they adopt once they do so, but they do not account for what happens earlier on: by what mechanisms the movements form their political strategies. Exploring the case of the cocaleros of the Chapare, this article argues that more emphasis should be placed on mechanisms that are internal to the movements, such as: (a) the resonance of other political experiences at home and abroad, (b) internal struggles for ideological hegemony, and (c) the political formation of their grassroots. 相似文献