在印尼发现历史--评范·勒尔《印尼的贸易与社会》

范·勒尔在《印尼的贸易与社会》一书中,第一次运用韦伯式社会学和经济史理论与方法来分析早期印尼及亚洲的贸易与社会,以广阔的视野对东西方贸易作了比较研究.他力图打破当时在西方广为流行的欧洲中心观,主张从亚洲自身来观察当地的经济和文化发展,提出每个地区都有着自身的不能为别的文明所取代的文明,同时各个文明之间有平等的价值和地位,从而为印尼及整个东方历史的重新解释找到新的途径.     

Resettlement and development in Indonesia

This article deals with resettlement management in Indonesia, which involves a number of policy and implementation issues concerning land acquisition, compensation, and resettlement practices in development projects.¹ The principal objective of this article is to identify a set of policy measures gleaned from past experiences in Indonesia and to present a comparative review of how other countries have addressed land acquisition and resettlement issues, including the latest donor policies concerning resettlement of people affected by the development processes. Several resettlement case studies in Indonesia are briefly presented to identify past mistakes and successes. The Indonesian experience is then assessed in the light of international “best practices” for retooling policy, including adoption of an appropriate resettlement policy in Indonesia. The role of local government bodies, non-government and community-based organizations in resettlement management and their beneficial involvements in resettlement planning and implementation is briefly discussed.     

印度尼西亚“沉船”政策分析

印尼对于在印尼海域非法捕鱼的外国渔船实施沉船政策已有多年,近年来被炸沉的船舶数量越来越多。印尼沉船政策涉及渔业、渔民、渔业执法、非法捕鱼等方面,通过对这些问题的分析,可以看出印尼的沉船政策是涉及经济、社会、政治、外交等多方面的综合性政策。作为一个海洋国家,渔业是印尼的立国之本,但是,印尼的渔业发展水平并不高,渔民是最贫穷的群体之一。由于国内资金短缺,渔业管理与执法能力不足,非法和没有受到管制的捕捞活动普遍存在,在国内民族主义情绪的影响下,印尼政府通过高调实施沉船政策来显示对国家利益的维护决心。在这种背景下,虽然沉船政策遭到外界的众多批评,并且对佐科政府建设全球海洋支点战略有一定的消极影响,但是,可以预见,出于维护国家利益的考虑,佐科在总统的第二任期内,仍将继续实施沉船政策。     

印尼贫困问题研究

在发展中国家,由于生产力水平低下,政府腐败无能,分配不公等原因,贫困就像一座大山,压得广大中下层人民喘不过气来.如何消除贫困既是一个经济问题,更是一个社会政治问题,一个国家的政府如果不能有效地解决贫困问题,没有能力让广大人民群众过上衣食无忧的日子,那么,这个政府就没有资格执政.所以,在广大发展中国家,衡量一个政府是好政府还是坏政府,首要的标准,就是看她是否真正有能力解决贫困问题,是否真正有能力解决人民群众的吃饭穿衣等民生问题.     

论印尼恩鲁克网络的形成与发展

印度尼西亚是世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,其穆斯林人口占印尼总人口的88%。2002年10月12日巴厘岛爆炸案发生后,伊斯兰祈祷团逐渐引起了世界各国的关注。伊斯兰祈祷团的创建过程实际上就是"恩鲁克网络"的组织过程。本文以总部设在布鲁塞尔的国际危机组织对伊斯兰祈祷团披露的信息为主要依据,分析恩鲁克网络的建立过程、组织结构及运作方式,进而深入探究恩鲁克网络与伊斯兰祈祷团一脉相承的关系。     

巴厘岛爆炸案对印尼和国际反恐斗争的影响

印尼巴厘岛大爆炸震惊世界 ,它是阿尔·盖达基地组织同印尼伊斯兰极端组织联手策划实施的。大爆炸冲击了印尼的政治、经济和社会 ,也促进了国际反恐斗争的合作 ,而伊斯兰极端组织今后的动向 ,更加引起国际社会的关注。     

Land reform and Bimas in Indonesia

Underlying the current process of industrial restructuring in Korea is the weakening of the social and political comerstones of Korea's “miracle” economy: low wages maintained through labor market segmentation and suppression of labor movements, state leverage over the chaebol and labor, the containment of the middle class through a state-of-war mentality, and the decentralization of industry away from the capital city through the creation of countermagnets and growth poles. Korea's success in generating its own version of a post-fordist regime of accumulation will depend as much on changes in social and political institutions as it will on pursuing an industrial path of flexible specialization.     

非政府组织和印尼的政治改革

非政府组织经常被看作是充满活力的公民社会的基础。对于发展中国家的政治、社会发展来说,非政府组织至关重要。关于这一点,印尼这个东南亚地区的最大国家体会得相当深刻。本文将通过探讨苏哈托政府时期印尼非政府组织的生存发展,展示非政府组织在发展中国家政治发展中的杠杆作用。     

Religion and inter-ethnic violence in Indonesia

Commentators have long struggled to understand state-society relations in Asia within the framework of the dominant liberal-democratic conceptualisation of civil society. This article examines the relevance of Antonio Gramsci's theory of civil society for understanding contemporary Cambodia and Vietnam, with reference to both legal and social frameworks. Such an analysis illuminates important aspects of state-society relations in Southeast Asia that tend to be overlooked by dominant liberal and Marxist perspectives. This article argues, however, that the utility of Gramsci's conception of civil society for understanding state-society relations in Cambodia and Vietnam, by retaining the notion of civil society as a realm associatively separate from the state, is limited.     

Army and islamic opposition in Indonesia

The article examines the effects of agricultural development, agrarian structure and some related variables on rural poverty in India. The results while asserting the existence of trickle-down process, indicate its limited and declining power. Moreover, the process of marginalisation and proletarianisation of the peasantry and inequality in the distribution of land have poverty-aggravating effects. The study underlines the needs for increasing productive employment with real wages sufficient to maintain basic needs for sustainable reduction in rural poverty. It also suggests that an increase in the average size of the marginal and small holdings through appropriate land reforms would be poverty alleviating.     

An introduction to the articles on Indonesia

Abstract

In May 1987, general elections will be held in Indonesia. These will be the fifth such elections since the country's independence in 1945, and the contesting parties will be the government electoral organization, GOLKAR, which convincingly won the last elections, the largely Muslim PPP (Unity Development party), and the small Christian and nationalist PDI (Indonesian Democratic party). After the previous elections in 1982, the Indonesian government made the claim that the proceedings had been “direct, general, free and secret,” and indeed it was difficult to find more than incidental evidence of fraud or manipulation in the conduct of the poll itself. However, this attempt by “Pancasila Democracy” to claim kinship with the Western democratic tradition studiously ignored the context of political restriction which has operated in Indonesia for the last three decades. Since such claims are likely to be revised after the coming elections to suggest that the power of the New Order government of President Suharto rests on the active consent of the people, the editors of the Bulletin have thought it appropriate to devote this issue to a closer examination of the recent political history of Indonesia.     

Dialectics of industrialization in Indonesia

This essay investigates how the degeneration of state socialist regimes and the transition to market-Leninist political economies in China and Vietnam have shaped institutional arrangements governing welfare and its stratification effects. Engaging recent theoretical literature one welfare regimes, the article explores how the evolution of specific combinations of political and economic institutions in China and Vietnam has affected the production and reproduction of welfare and stratification. The common assumption that welfare regimes reflect the structured interests of dominant political and economic actors and thus serve to reproduce that regime is found to invite an excessively static perspective. Instead this essay argues that welfare regimes and stratification in contemporary China and Vietnam require an appreciation of their properties under state-socialism and how specific paths of extrication affected their degeneration and subsequent development under a new form of political economy. The essay also probes the significance of observed differences in China and Vietnam’s political structure in light of suggestions that Vietnam’s more pluralistic political system has made its welfare regime more redistributive than China’s. An alternative perspective suggests China’s wealth obviates the significance of such differences.     

路在何方?——印尼华人社会的现状与未来

】１９９８ 年５ 月印尼发生社会大骚乱,华人成为袭击对象,生命和财产遭受严重损失,印尼局势的发展和华人出路成为人们关注的焦点。正确看待印尼华人的几个热点问题,即关于华人控制印尼经济的争论,华人同化和印尼排华问题,有助于印尼社会的稳定和华人的生存与发展     

Political imprisonment in Indonesia

Abstract

In a world where so much is spoken and written about the problem of political persecution and in particular political imprisonment, it is a strange fact that so little is known about the case of Indonesia. Yet in terms of the number of people involved, the long-drawn out nature of the problem, the treatment inflicted upon the prisoners, and the refusal of the authorities to apply judicial and humanitarian standards, Indonesia presents one of the most pressing and desperate situations.     

印尼伊斯兰教主流派与极端派初探

印尼是世界第四大人口大国,又是世界穆斯林人数最多的国家。苏哈托政权垮台后,伊斯兰势力已重返政治舞台,伊斯兰化倾向日益明显。印尼伊斯兰教主流派比较温和与包容,反对在印尼建立伊斯兰教国家。极端派主张在印尼实行伊斯兰教派规,人数虽小,但组织严密,能量也大。美国“9·11”事件后,在当前反对国际恐怖主义斗争中,印尼极端组织的动向引起国际社会的关注。     

冷战后美国与印尼的安全合作

美国与印尼由于安全上互不威胁且一方能为另一方的安全利益服务 ,从而能够以经济利益为纽带 ,淡化人权与意识形态冲突 ,建立起一种相对稳定的双边关系     

影响印尼与美国关系的几个因素

美国是世界唯一的超级大国,印尼是世界第四人口大国,是东南亚地区领头的国家,美国与印尼关系对亚洲有着重大的影响。冷战时期,美国把印尼视为遏制共产主义和中国的重要一环,两国关系经历了交恶的苏加诺时期和结为盟友的苏哈托时期。苏哈托下台后,印尼新政府奉行大国平衡外交政策,印尼与美国关系虽然密切,但又保持着一定的距离。本文分析了影响印尼与美国关系的几个因素,与读者探讨。     

Konfrontasi and Australia's Aid to Indonesia during the 1960s

This article examines Australia's aid program in Indonesia in the 1960s. With the transfer by the Dutch of West New Guinea to Indonesia in May 1963, the Australian government looked to expand aid to its northern neighbour beyond the Colombo Plan in an effort to cement friendly relations. The events associated with konfrontasi threatened this policy objective. Yet despite Indonesia's belligerent stance, Australia was able to continue its aid program (by supporting the Aeronautical Fixed Telecommunication Network) and to keep the lines of communication with Jakarta open. When konfrontasi ended in August 1966 after regime change in Indonesia, Australia was able to rapidly expand its aid program. This article argues that konfrontasi changed the ways in which Australia's aid program in Indonesia was construed, which in turn contributed to a re‐consideration of the role of aid in Australia's foreign policy more broadly.