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The role of Christian Democratic parties after World War II in helping to build stable parliamentary regimes in Western Europe deserves attention simply for their ability to survive. Such parties took root in Catholic countries and electorates and incorporated electoral organizations from the early twentieth century. After the war, Christian Democrats provided an alternative to the large Communist parties that were particularly strong in France and Italy. They also represented a link to the European past that was not implicated in the crimes of the Nazi era. Germany's Christian Democracy has proven the most successful of its kind. It moved beyond its original Catholic base to include a significant Protestant minority. And it has survived amidst the social and cultural changes and charges of corruption that have reduced their counterparts elsewhere to a secondary parliamentary force.  相似文献   

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This commentary by Robin Cook reflects upon what was accomplished during his four years as Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs after the new Labour government in 1997 placed the promotion and protection of human rights at the heart of its foreign policy. The paper emphasises this partnership by introducing a programme of exchanges and secondments between human rights NGOs and the Foreign Office, focusing on the pursuit of human rights in both principle and practice. While discussing the role of the British government the author provides an overview of many of the most important examples of attempts at ethical foreign policy over the last five years. It is argued that that national interest is promoted, not hindered, by a commitment to human rights and suggests new rules for when the UN can intervene to keep peace within states rather than among states.  相似文献   

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哈尔滨犹太宗教公会的兴衰   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
19世纪末,伴随着沙俄的排犹政策和中东铁路的修筑,大批俄国犹太人来到哈尔滨这个新的“避难所”定居。他们在哈尔滨建立了犹太会堂、银行、学校、医院,还创办了犹太人自己的社团,形成了较完整的犹太社区体系,当时的哈尔滨已成为东亚地区犹太人最大的活动中心之一。通过研究发现,哈尔滨犹太宗教公会在哈尔滨犹太人社区中处于领导核心的地位。通过犹太宗教公会的组织活动,维护犹太人的利益,使在哈尔滨的犹太人同欧美、苏俄、中东地区的犹太人保持了密切的联系。  相似文献   

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俄罗斯外交政策新调整   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
2010年初以来,俄罗斯外交环境发生了新变化:世界金融危机冲击的惯性使俄罗斯实力持续下降;美欧自顾不暇;阿富汗局势动荡;亚太地位上升。在此背景下,俄罗斯大幅调整外交政策:改善与美欧关系,提升亚太外交,强化独联体政策;突出外交为俄罗斯创新经济和“全面现代化”服务的宗旨,以灵活、务实的外交,全面维护俄罗斯利益。梅德韦杰夫在2010年7月驻外使节会议和11月底的《国情咨文》中均强调.  相似文献   

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After the dissolution of the USSR, the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) sought to contribute to the transformation of Russia into a democratic state abiding by the rule of law and by international law. The Yeltsin administration concurred and adopted a generally cooperative posture within the CSCE. However, when Moscow suggested (as a counter-move against NATO's enlargement projects) the elaboration of a legal pan-European security system, the CSCE—now rebaptised OSCE—responded by means of the Istanbul Charter for European Security (1999), an empty text by Russian standards. Feeling that its interests were no longer served, the Putin administration warned that without drastic reforms the Organisation would be ‘doomed to extinction’. In order to defuse the crisis, the OSCE adopted a number of reform measures. Overall, however, the reform process brought very little to a Russia whose obsession with equality of status is now better addressed through bilateral institutional channels with NATO and the EU. In the present circumstances, the fate of the OSCE depends on the political value that the West attaches to this organisation, as well as Russia's wisdom not to break the single European security organisation where its place and role are fully legitimate.  相似文献   

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俄罗斯对外政策的新调整   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"9.11"事件后,普京政府以此为契机,在削减战略核武器、北约东扩等重大国际问题上向美国作出了迎合和让步,大力改善对美、对北约的关系,并取得了一定突破.但与此同时,俄并没有放弃独立自主的全方位外交政策,而俄美、俄-北约也远未成为真正的朋友、平等的伙伴.  相似文献   

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本文分析了当代东南亚海盗与其猎物和政府的关系、打击海盗的国际合作存在的问题等影响当代东南亚海盗兴衰的变量,揭示当代东南亚海盗发展的规律。马六甲海峡和南中国海位于国际海上航运的要冲,源源不断的物流为海盗提供了猎物;东南亚海盗猖獗的根源在于腐败的沿岸国执法人员纵容甚至参与海盗活动。9.11事件之后,打击东南亚海盗的行动成为了国际海上反恐的重要内容,国际社会采取了一系列的措施,如建立打击海盗的国际合作机制和信息共享中心、分担保障国际海上交通要道安全的费用等,增强了沿岸国打击海盗的积极性和执法能力,有效地遏制了东南亚海盗的活动。  相似文献   

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Speaking of "China's foreign policy under new circumstances," there are five features of the new circumstances in my opinion. All these five features will not fundamentally change in accordance with major events such as the Iraq war, and to a certain extent, determine that China's basic foreign policy need not and will not make major adjustments.  相似文献   

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近来 ,围绕伊拉克战争中的德美分歧 ,德国外交界进行了深刻反思 ,在其政策讨论中曾出现三种意见。一是新大西洋主义的“合作性对峙” ,有条件地调整对美政策 ,以“使美国修正其路线”。二是受戴高乐主义影响的“均衡对峙” ,包括建立法德俄轴心 ,限制美国的单边影响。三是紧密跟随美国的“老大西洋主义”路线 ,并伺机施加影响。经过权衡 ,德国政府认为应发展新的大西洋伙伴关系。 11月外长菲舍尔和总理施罗德相继访美 ,努力作出与美和解的姿态 ,德国外交“新大西洋主义”取向日趋明显。战后 ,德国外交政策长期奉行大西洋主义 ,与美国关系密…  相似文献   

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萨科齐于2007年5月当选法国总统,他敢说敢为,并有着比其前任更浓的爱国情结。这些因素将深刻地影响萨科齐的外交决策。根据萨科齐在以往内阁中的表现、总统竞选时的纲领以及执政几个月以来的作为,可以初步判断,未来萨科齐将把绝大部分精力放在法国内政上,外交将是其用心较少的领域。他将着力稳定法国与德国、中国等国的关系,法美关系也将会得到修复和提升;在欧盟问题上,萨科齐以制定"迷你宪法"作为主要努力目标,并试图通过主导欧盟改革条约,为法国争取更多利益。  相似文献   

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Western policymakers have come to take Egypt's foreign policy orientation for granted in recent decades. After President Anwar Sadat's dramatic split from the Soviet bloc and embrace of peace with Israel in the 1970s, Egypt became a reliable but rarely exciting diplomatic partner. Little appreciated has been the centrality of foreign policy to Egypt's internal interests as well as its external ones, and the extent to which changes in either the domestic or international environment could trigger the Egyptians to reassess their stance. The present article examines the interests that Egyptian foreign policy serves, and it analyses factors that could prompt a future Egyptian government to adopt different policies in order to serve those interests more effectively.  相似文献   

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中东和谈启动 12年来 ,曾一度取得重要成果 ,几次出现重大突破。但由于以政局变化与政见分歧、阿以力量对比失衡和美对以的偏袒等不利因素 ,中东和谈至今仍陷于僵局。  相似文献   

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土耳其对西巴尔干地区政策的新变化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
土耳其与西巴尔干地区互为近邻,紧密关联。土耳其长期奉行亲西方的一边倒外交政策,已严重制约土耳其与该地区国家关系的进一步发展,也损害了其国家利益。近年来,土耳其在国际形势和世界格局发生复杂而深刻变动的背景下,为凸显其地跨欧亚地区大国的独特作用,积极推行外交新思维和零问题睦邻外交政策。西巴尔干地区是欧洲多事之区,成为土耳其外交出击的主要方向之一,并且取得了积极的进展。但鉴于西巴尔干地区错综复杂的矛盾和美欧的掣肘,土耳其在该地区只能起到敲边鼓和主要配合美欧战略的作用。  相似文献   

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本文采用“政治体制-社会结构-经济形态”层级式互动框架,对泰国立宪君主政治权威兴衰的过程、原因与趋势进行了分析。指出,泰国立宪君主政治权威的发展变化,主要取决于跨越式发展进程中结构性失衡引起的新旧利益集团的政治权力竞争与妥协。20世纪60年代以来,泰国立宪君主政治权威复兴的根本原因在于军人集团与王室-保皇派从冲突到结盟的政治关系转变。从长期来看,新资本集团的政治崛起将使得王室-保皇派再次被边缘化。  相似文献   

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今年5月,印度举行了第14届人民院(议会下院)选举。自以为稳操胜券,又被国内外舆论普遍看好的印度人民党遭遇滑铁卢,痛失江山。而在野8年、被认为日渐衰败的国大党东山再起,重掌朝纲。这对印度的内政外交将产生重要影响。一、印度人民党大选失败的教训 根据印度选举法,人民院选举每隔五年进行一次。第14届人民院选举原本应在今年10月印度人  相似文献   

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The dominant narrative concerning the Bush Doctrine maintains that it is a dangerous innovation, an anomaly that violates the principles of sound policy as articulated by the Founders. According to the conventional wisdom, the Bush Doctrine represents the exploitation of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, by a small group of ideologues—the “neoconservatives”—to gain control of national policy and lead the United States into the war in Iraq, a war that should never have been fought. But far from a being a neoconservative innovation, the Bush Doctrine is, in fact, well within the mainstream of U.S. foreign policy and very much in keeping with the vision of America's founding generation and the practice of the statesmen in the Early Republic. The Bush Doctrine is only the latest manifestation of the fact that U.S. national interest has always been concerned with more than simple security.  相似文献   

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This article explores Lincoln's relationship with William H. Seward, his Secretary of State; examines several cases of foreign policy in action—particularly during 1861 and 1862—years fraught with peril for the Union cause, and concludes with how Lincoln's foreign policy is relevant today.  相似文献   

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Just as apartheid was ending, South Africa’s foreign relations witnessed a massive expansion. However, the Department of Foreign Affairs that was to manage this change found itself undergoing institutional transformations of both personnel and ideology. Studies on South African foreign policy have mostly neglected this transformation, which has had a considerable influence on the content and direction of South African foreign policy. In discussing this seldom-studied issue, this analysis unearths the discussions and debates that took place between various stakeholders to bring about transformation in the Department. In doing so, it argues that two different cultures of diplomacy came together in forming the new Department of Foreign Affairs. These cultures have had a significant impact on the thrust and direction of post-apartheid South Africa foreign policy.  相似文献   

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