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孟加拉人民共和国(The People's Republic of Bangladesh)位于南亚次大陆东北部的恒河和布拉马普特拉河冲积而成的三角洲上,东、西、北部三面与印度相邻,东南部与缅甸接壤,南部濒临孟加拉湾.国土面积143998平方公里,首都达卡(Dhaka).据2002年7月统计,全国人口1.33亿①.伊斯兰教为国教,居民中穆斯林占全国人口总数的83%,印度教徒占16%,佛教徒和基督教徒等占1%②.孟加拉语为国语,英语为官方语言. 相似文献
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Begoña Gutiérrez Nieto 《Development in Practice》2005,15(3-4):490-501
Microcredit, defined as small loans to people who have no regular access to credit, is an innovative strategy in the fight against poverty. Microcredit institutions can obtain funding from private institutional investors (PIIs) that channel funds from donors, private lenders, and socially responsible investors. Private financing of development aid is likely to become more important and microcredit presents an investment opportunity within this context. Microcredit institutions (MCIs) need to become more transparent, however, and require more incentive to seek commercial funding rather than relying on subsidies. With better information about MCIs, PIIs could achieve more impact with their investment. 相似文献
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气候变化是当今世界面临的最大挑战之一。近年来,气候变化诱发灾害的密度和发生频率在急剧上升。地势低洼且靠海的孟加拉国是气候变化最易受害的国家之一。频繁的气候灾害诸如洪水、热带旋风给孟加拉国社会经济发展带来了严重影响。本文回顾了孟加拉国极端气候灾害的状况和特点,重点探讨其治理气候灾害的政策抉择及其缺失。 相似文献
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Mahfuzul H. Chowdhury 《冲突、安全与发展》2003,3(2):265-276
The politics and ideology of South Asia has been characterised by violence for a considerable time. Bangladesh is no exception, where violence is both widespread and multifaceted. It arises for political, economic, and socio-cultural reasons and is evidenced not only in the incidence of violence but also in the availability of small arms, in the evident political ties with violent organisations and criminal activities, in the prevalence of corruption and the effect which all this has on the forces of law and order. This poses enormous challenges for the state which urgently needs to introduce measures of reform in the judicial and police administration system. De-linking politics from the activities of criminals and terrorists is an important first step toward this goal. 相似文献
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Janice Musson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):125-144
This analysis reviews the discussion behind Britain's recognition of Bangladesh as an independent state in February 1972. It concentrates on correspondence in the preceding six weeks between Whitehall and its diplomatic postings, particularly in the Commonwealth, and considers in detail the role of the Commonwealth Secretariat. Perceptions of recognition are first briefly discussed, followed by Bangladesh's historical background and the international security issues surrounding it. Government and Commonwealth Secretariat files are studied in detail. They show above all the influence on Government decision-making of diplomatic intelligence, in particular the importance of economic and political factors. Also revealed are London's concern for Pakistan's president, Zulfiquar Bhutto, its desire not to recognize alone and the attitude of the Commonwealth's Secretary General. The study suggests that recognition is a far more complex matter than the legal definition would imply and presents a compelling case for its further analysis in an historical context. 相似文献
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孟加拉国的政治民主化历程 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
孟加拉国的政治民主化历程可谓具有很强的自身特色。从建国初期的议会民主制到军人统治的总统制再到议会民主制 ,其经历犹如是一个圆圈 ,经过一段时间之后又回到了起始点。其一波三折的历程也显得异常地艰苦和漫长。同时孟加拉国又是南亚地区的大国 ,在南亚非常具有代表性 ,研究其政治民主化有助于我们理解其他南亚国家和发展中国家的民主化进程。所以本文拟就孟加拉国自建国之日起至 1991年的政治民主化发展历程和出现挫折的原因进行论述 ,并对孟加拉国当前的民主化现状和未来的前景进行分析和探讨。 相似文献
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孟加拉国伊斯兰极端势力发展历史及其根源 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
传统的伊斯兰宗教文化、经济上的贫困落后、不成熟的民主政治环境下的不良政党斗争、吏治腐败,再加上国际伊斯兰原教旨主义思潮和"革命"的影响,独立后经过30多年的政局演变,孟加拉国最终成为极端主义孳生的温床。 相似文献
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Emily Delap 《Development in Practice》2000,10(5):662-673
The 1998 floods, which inundated much of Bangladesh, had a major effect on the lives and work of urban slum children. Lack of work opportunities, and beliefs about appropriate roles for young children, meant that the floods did not lead to great increases in workforce entry and in some cases led to a reduction in the opportunities available. Children's domestic work was also affected. Children's paid and domestic work had an important impact on how well households survived during and after the floods. The findings highlight the simultaneously beneficial and harmful nature of much child labour, and are therefore relevant to the dilemmas that face policy makers in this area. The research reported on in this article also has implications for those involved in disaster relief policy making. 相似文献
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Christopher Honeyman 《Negotiation Journal》1990,6(1):23-36
Conclusion Evaluating mediators is a complex process, but not an impossible one. While no single solution is likely to be found, a set of options is emerging. Any new refinement, admittedly, brings with it new difficulties, and the options laid out here are themselves complex to administer. An adroit program management may be able to put together relatively quickly a workable, efficient, and fair approach to evaluation that is tailored to its own circumstances. But most likely, the process of developing evaluation tools will require sustained effort, justified partly by recognition that only trial and error will eventually produce a result keyed to the program's, the parties', and the mediators' diverse needs.Nevertheless, it should be apparent that avoidance of the problems is no longer an acceptable strategy. In an era when rational standards for judging the elements of mediators' effectiveness are becoming more refined, and when mediation itself is becoming an increasingly common option for resolving all kinds of disputes, retaining public confidence in any program will demand that the program devote time and effort to evaluating and strengthening its most important resources.
Christopher Honeyman has played a variety of dispute resolution roles including mediator, arbitrator, and administrative law judge in cases involving labor and environmental issues, for the State of Wisconsin Employment Relations Commission (P.O. Box 7870, Madison, Wis. 53707-7870) and for other programs.An earlier version of this article was presented under the title Problems in Evaluating Mediators, at the North American Conference on Peacemaking and Conflict Resolution, Montreal, Quebec, March, 1989.Christina Sickles Merchant, Byron Yaffe, Stephen Goldberg, Jeanne Brett and Martha Askins offered detailed and helpful critiques of earlier drafts of this work. I am particularly grateful to the mediators of Maine's Court Mediation Service and to its directors, Jane Orbeton and the late Lincoln Clark, for their willingness to take the risks of applying an untried theory and their help in developing it. And once again, my colleagues at the Wisconsin Employment Relations Commission provided numerous and significant comments and criticisms which have corrected my thinking on a number of points. However, the opinions expressed here are the author's, and do not necessarily reflect the policy of the WERC. 相似文献
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孟加拉国政治现代化进程中的公民政治参与 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
孟加拉国独立后,民众政治参与热情非常高,特别是孟加拉国市民参政、妇女参政、学生参政和媒体参政为其民主政治的持续发展起到了积极的作用。 相似文献
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Md. Farhad Zamil 《Development in Practice》2009,19(7):923-932
This article presents a case study of an activity implemented under the FAO component of the Local Partnerships for Urban Poverty Alleviation Project, funded by UNDP in Bangladesh. In Mymensingh city the project is linking poor urban dwellers with a niche market for oyster mushroom. This small enterprise activity appears to be sustainable, in that it develops agricultural production to cater for the specific demand of an existing small marketing enterprise. As long as the trader finds a market for his mushroom, he has an incentive to collaborate with the project beneficiaries who supply the produce. This model is thus an example of mutual benefit between extremely small landholders and a trader through the catalytic effect of a development project. 相似文献
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Victoria Palmer 《Development in Practice》2011,21(1):96-108
Based on fieldwork carried out on Islamic Relief's relief programme for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, this article contributes to the debate on whether Muslim aid agencies bring added value when working with Muslim beneficiaries in Muslim areas. The author explores the significance of religion in relations between actors in the aid process and argues that a common religion does not necessarily override political, social, and cultural divisions. The article questions whether it is useful to claim that Muslim solidarity exists in the aid process when in practice it is difficult to have any meaningful engagement with religion in the field. 相似文献
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中印缅孟毗邻地区旅游资源富集,大力发展旅游业有利于促进该区域经济社会发展,加快民众脱贫致富,互惠双赢。该区域开展旅游合作潜力很大,也具备一些有利条件,但现存问题需要逐步得到解决,才能把潜在资源转变为现实收益。在大力促进中国与印度的双边旅游合作的同时,逐步推进区域旅游合作,是比较可行的思路。 相似文献
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《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(1):117-132
Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Bangladesh in October 2016 has dramatically uplifted the strategic value of Bangladesh to the world and presented new opportunities to Bangladesls'security,political and economic interests.Bangladesh and China have agreed to elevate'the closer comprehensive partnership of cooperation'to a'strategic partnership.'China's B&R initiative is perhaps a major project for Bangladesh to promote economic development and to connect itself with global markets. 相似文献
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《International Understanding》1999,(4)
onoctober3rd,a4-memberCAFIUdelegation,asanambassadoroffriendship,headedbyMr.WangJinsheng,CAFIUSecretareGeneral,flewtoBangladeshtoattendthesendnarheldbytheBangladesh-ChinaPeople'sFriendshipAssociation(BCPFA)speciallyforcelebratingthe5othanniversaryofthefoundingofP-R.C..Inaddtion,attheinvitationoftheMinistryofInter-nalAffairsofThailand,thedelegationalsopaida3-dayvisittoThailand.ThroughbroadcontactsandexchangeswithpoliticalandbusinesscirclesofBangladeshandThailand,timeandagainwefelt… 相似文献
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Bangladesh has enthusiastically launched social forestry projects that make grandiose promises of seeking local community involvement and participation in the management of forest resources. This study examines the functioning of the Chandra Agroforestry Research and Demonstration Project to evaluate the actual extent and nature of popular participation it entails. After discussing the project and its locale, the methodology of the study is described as an analysis of qualitative and quantitative data collected in the period February-August 1994. The theoretical framework was based on a modified version of Zaman's framework that uses prevalence and opportunity as the indicators of participation. Analysis of prevalence indicators reveals that professional foresters make all major decisions for the project without consulting the farmers involved. The government also has sole responsibility for monitoring and evaluating the project, and the farmers are skeptical that the government will allow them to profit from the benefits arising from the project. Analysis of opportunity indicators shows that the project is not decentralized, cooperative and collaborative linkages have not been made, project flexibility has been sacrificed to bureaucracy, and the incentives promised to the farmers have not materialized. It is concluded that the participation of local residents in the Chandra project has been insignificant but that the project has succeeded in reducing 1) the historical distrust and conflict between forestry officials and local farmers, 2) encroachment on government lands, and 3) the rate of deforestation. In addition, the project has given participating farmers a sense of security. 相似文献