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This article chronicles the promise and limitations of social movement networks as mechanisms of political voice in Mapuche Chile. Although protest has largely fallen from favour in post-authoritarian Chile, environmental conflicts have shaken the southern territories of the Mapuche Indians since redemocratisation. State promises of indigenous recognition and state access have clashed headlong with ambitious regional development priorities in hydropower and forestry. To resolve claims of injustice over ancestral land and resource rights, Mapuche leaders have forged sophisticated links with environmental organisations, human rights activists, scholars and other indigenous groups. Linkage politics in Chile presents a vital test of civil society development and Latin American democratic consolidation.  相似文献   

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尼泊尔共产主义运动的发展及其特点   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
尼泊尔共产主义运动(1949-)与尼泊尔当代历史并行发展,目前已成为该国最为重要的政治力量;尽管出现较晚,但却异军突起,成为冷战后国际共运最为成功的经验之一.本文以一个全新的角度阐述了尼泊尔共产主义运动的产生、发展和现状.作者通过分析指出,宗派主义和功利主义是尼泊尔共运的两大传统,前者导致了分歧与分裂,而后者导致了联合与合并,但大趋势是,从宗派主义到功利主义.从分裂到整合.  相似文献   

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陈湘源 《当代世界》2010,(2):47-49,46
自20世纪末开始,随着拉美左翼的不断崛起,以反美、反新自由主义和寻求新的发展模式,探索新的发展道路为主要特征的拉美社会主义运动再次兴起。委内瑞拉、厄瓜多尔、玻利维亚等同政府,以及巴西劳工党等纷纷提出自己的社会主义理念,并进行了大胆的、特色各异的社会主义实践探索。  相似文献   

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由中国社会科学院拉丁美洲研究所祝文驰、毛相麟和中共中央对外联络部李克明撰写、中国人民大学高放作序、当代世界出版社出版的《拉丁美洲的共产主义运动》一书,是作者承担的国家社会科学基金重点研究项目的最终成果,也是作者  相似文献   

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There is a new, but still limited, realisation that the perspectives developed by the ‘social movement theory’ can be useful to illuminate aspects of Islamist movements. This is a welcome development. Yet it is also pertinent to point to some limitations of the prevailing social movement theories (those grounded in the technologically advanced and politically open societies) to account for the complexities of sociopolitical activism in contemporary Muslim societies, which are often characterised by political control and limited means for communicative action. The article argues for a more fluid and fragmented understanding of social movements, which may better explain the differentiated and changing disposition of such movements as Islamism. In this context, I propose the concept of ‘imagined solidarities’, which might help illustrate modes of solidarity building in such closed political settings as the contemporary Muslim Middle East.  相似文献   

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As the US prepares new sanctions to stop Iran form obtaining a nuclear weapon, the partisans of popular sovereignty in the “green movement” continue to battle with the partisans of divine sovereignty fortified by the Revolutionary Guards. What does the “green movement” want? Will the regime be successful in crushing it? Will sanctions only bolster the clerical/military alliance instead weaken it? The first president of the Islamic Republic of Iran and several top reformist scholars address these issues.  相似文献   

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社会运动理论的发展   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
20世纪60和70年代,在美国和欧洲,各种社会运动方兴未艾,风起云涌。社会运动理论也因此在西方流行起来。在美国,这个社会运动的大潮首先是民权运动——即非洲裔美国人争取投票权及其他公民权的运动;这一运动还包括了20世纪60年代早期从加州大学洛杉矶分校开始,随后席卷美国的言论自由运动;还包括反对越南战争的反战运动——这项运动后来成为  相似文献   

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This article looks at the emergence of Latvian nationalism in the mid-nineteenth century from the intercultural perspective of postcolonial theory. The writings of early Young Latvians, and the reaction to them from the dominant Baltic German elite, show that the emergence of a modern Latvian nationalism is to a large extent due to postcolonial mimicry, as described by Homi Bhabha. Attempts to imitate German cultural models and to develop a Latvian high culture lead to hostile reactions from the German side, which, in their turn, lead to increasing consolidation of Latvian nationalism. Since the Baltic German elite increasingly legitimized its rule in terms of cultural superiority, the Young Latvians' alliance with the Russian Slavophiles led it to treat the Latvian nationalists as culturally inferior and partly Asiatic, like the Russians.  相似文献   

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Scholars often overlook that an adequate explanation of why a movement uses violent means of protest requires an account of why it does not instead use nonviolent means. This essay argues that while paths to violence are multiple, there is one prevailing path to nonviolent protest—that which opens when a movement is politically cohesive. Cohesion approximates a necessary condition for nonviolent protest because such protest requires coordination and collective restraint. Conversely, fragmentation generates incentives and opportunities that increase the likelihood that protest will become violent. This argument, specified in terms of composite mechanisms and demonstrated by overtime variation in the Palestinian case, critiques the assumption that movements can be treated as unitary actors. It also shifts attention from movements’ motivations to their organizational configurations.  相似文献   

11.
Johanna Dahlin 《欧亚研究》2017,69(7):1070-1089
This article discusses duty in relation to the past, focusing on Russia’s nationwide Search Movement (Poiskovoe dvizhenie). This civil movement of volunteers searches for the remains of fallen soldiers left on the battlefields of World War II all over Russia and has young people as its main target group. Despite in many ways being critical of the state, the Search Movement explicitly wants to make a contribution to the patriotic upbringing of Russian youth. In its work, the movement relates to the official government plans for patriotic education. Several obligations are central to the notion of patriotism: for the Search Movement, an obligation to the past, to remember, is the most important. In this article I will examine how the malleable concept of duty allows the Search Movement to carry out work implicitly critical of state failings in the name of patriotism.  相似文献   

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上世纪60年代在西方兴起的新社会运动与中国的文化大革命是两个同时发生但在原因、主体、斗争目标、运动形式诸方面各不相同的运动.新社会运动在文化、社会和政治各方面的后果和影响,能够为我们观察改革开放30年后的中国提供有意的经验.  相似文献   

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This article examines the rise and subsequent development and transformation of the new radical right movement in Denmark from 1980–2015. The Danish radical right emerged from xenophobic subcultures as a reaction to increasing immigration during the 1980s and evolved into a social movement of nationalist associations, militant skinheads, and neo-Nazis that attempted to conquer the streets. This attempt was met by an antiracist countermovement, which built up a coalition of left-wing militants and moderate political organizations that put a temporary end to the radical right as a social movement during the second half of the 1990s. However, from 2001 national and international circumstances offered new opportunities for the Danish radical right both in the streets and as a parliamentary voice.  相似文献   

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Why has Ecuador been much more successful at implementing participatory policy than Peru despite the similarity between the two countries’ policies and despite their similarly low state capacity? To answer this question, this article draws on insights from implementation literature that point to factors such as incentives written into policy, the commitment of administrations and bureaucratic agencies, and few veto points in the chain of implementation. While this article does not challenge such findings, it suggests that we must look further back in the causal chain to understand what brings such facilitating conditions about. Through an examination of ethnodevelopment policy in Ecuador and Peru, I find that the strength of social movements is most responsible for creating the conditions that foster implementation. Neither civil society nor the state alone can bring about successful participatory policy implementation. Rather, strong social movements can make the state comply with its own laws.  相似文献   

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战后美国劳工运动体现着鲜明的美国特色.其中,浓厚的意识形态色彩、劳工组织的分散性、工会官僚主义等特点严重制约了劳工运动的发展与进步,关系着美国劳工的未来,必须予以重视和改善.  相似文献   

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Studying parallels between movement behaviour and violent actions can help understand interdisciplinary possibilities for prevention, intervention, mediation and post-conflict healing. This article explores the role of unconscious and conscious movement decision-making in violent/peaceful interactions. Thematic analysis of interviews was conducted with trainers in dance/movement peace practices working in fourteen countries. The doctoral research sociologically analysed shared beliefs and a framework that was previously applied to work in schools, expanding its potential for new settings and peace contexts. The framework illustrates five stages of decision-making (Flow/Tension, Attention, Intention, Action and Reflection/Evaluation) based on Warren Lamb’s and Rudolph Laban’s systems of movement analysis. Flow/Tension refers to physiological responses to conflict and the regulation of tension, discomfort and breath. Attention involves the development of spatial awareness and awareness of our immediate environment. The Intention stage fosters the capacity for self-evaluation, assertively addressing needs and mitigating ethical pressure. The Action stage involves understanding impulses, commitment and non-action. Reflection/Evaluation promote reflexivity in practitioners and participants and a dynamic evaluation of peace practices. By analysing contributions of dance/movement to peacebuilding, this article introduces a much-needed focus on the body in conflict and inform interpersonal and intergroup conflict interventions by educators, therapists and peace practitioners of all fields.  相似文献   

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科技革命与人类社会主义运动   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
科学技术发展对社会生产力起着决定性作用。人类三次科技革命营造了不断上升的物质生产条件,推动社会主义运动从民族国家向世界范围、单一要素间关系向复杂要素间关系渐次展开,并与历史必然性三个不同层次的内容相继形成一致。  相似文献   

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冷战结束以后 ,社会主义阵营的势力大幅衰退 ,日本社会主义运动处于低潮。经过调整改革后 ,日本共产党、社会民主党等开始走出困境 ,尤其是共产党实现了跃进 ,这就使得社会主义势力仍然成为日本政坛牵制保守势力的主要政治力量。  相似文献   

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Though not much noticed in the West, a great debate is raging across China today, from the law faculties of its major universities to the Central Party School to the dissident community, over “constitutionalism” and the establishment of rule of law. In the wake of major corruption scandals, there are great expectations that the new leadership under Xi Jinping will respond to social pressure and pursue political reforms that have stalled over the last decade. A leading China scholar, Cheng Li, and the now famous blind civil rights advocate Chen Guangcheng, who dramatically escaped house arrest and fled to the US Embassy in Beijing last year, comment on where this debate is headed and what it might—or might not—produce.  相似文献   

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