Rent dissipation through self-regulation: The social cost of monopoly under threat of reform

This piece offers an alternative perspective on the social cost of monopoly and rent seeking. An existing monopolist whose right is contested in a political market has an incentive to expend resources on direct lobbying efforts while also attempting to defuse reformist opposition. Because the strength of reformist opposition will generally be a function of the monopolist's past, present, and expected future pricing/output decisions, such opposition is endogenous. The probability that an existing monopoly right will be retained depends on both direct lobbying efforts by the monopolist as well as the strength, resolve, and cohesiveness of the reformers. By modifying its output/pricing decision and, in effect, engaging in self-regulation, the monopolist gives up current profits in exchange for the expected future profits associated with retaining its monopoly rights. Such opposition dissipating effort is a form of indirect rent seeking that is complementary to direct lobbying efforts. And unlike the Tullock costs implied by the incumbent's direct lobbying, this form of indirect rent seeking may imply a reduction in the social cost of monopoly.     

Rent seeking and rent setting with asymmetric effectiveness of lobbying

This paper provides a more general model of the determination of rent-seeking costs by combining the following features: endogenous rent determination, asymmetric effectiveness of contending agents in their lobbying efforts, and multiple periods. In doing so, the paper generalizes some aspects of the work of Applelbaum and Katz (1987), Rogerson (1982), Leininger (1992) and Kohli (1992). Some results obtained are: (i) in the short run, when the regulator's salary is higher than in an alternative occupation, both the per unit cost of rent-seeking and the total rent set by regulator are highest for the same value of the relative effectiveness parameter; (ii) in the long run, an increase in the effectiveness parameter leads to a reduction in the social costs of rent seeking; (iii) in a repeated game, the equilibrium rent is lower the higher is the regulator's discount factor.     

Rent dissipation when rent seekers are budget constrained

In the original Tullock (1975, 1980) game, an individual bidder's probability of winning with a bid b is proportional to b^R, where the exponent reflects economies of scale in rent seeking. Different interpretations can be given to these probabilities. First, one may view R as a reflection of the political culture. Alternatively, one may view R as a choice variable for a politician. Intuition suggests that a society with a high tolerance for the selling of political favors and politicians who are receptive to rent seeking would both induce greater rent-seeking expenditures than other societies, all else equal. This paper shows that a lower value of R can actually lead to more rent dissipation than a higher value. This paper also reinforces two points concerning rent seeking. First, the analysis confirms the robustness of under-dissipation of rents, even in the face of entry. Second, it points out the importance of distinguishing between rent-seeking expenditures and rent dissipation. When bidders must borrow, for example, total expenditure may understate rent dissipation.     

The design of rent-seeking competitions

In the standard Tullock model of rent-seeking as a noncooperative game, aggregate expenditures by seekers can equal, exceed, or fall short of total rents depending on what is assumed about the number of seekers and the marginal return to a seeker's investment. If the supply of an input into the rent-seeking process is controlled by a politician who receives payment from seekers for it, the indeterminacy of the process becomes a less serious problem. He supplies it and designs the rent-seeking game to maximize his wealth. The author derives expressions for the number of seekers and the marginal return parameter which maximize the politician's wealth in one-input and two-input rent-seeking processes.     

Social capital, lobbying and community-based interest groups

Recent discussions of social capital within the public choice literature have tended to focus on its role in solving collective action problems and promoting political accountability. Consequently, two areas of inquiry remain underexplored: (1) the role social capital plays in facilitating lobbying and rent seeking, and (2) the possibility that the availability of government resources can cause community-based groups to re-orient their stocks of social capital away from mutual assistance and toward lobbying and rent seeking. This article examines the relationship between social capital and lobbying in New Orleans??s post-Katrina recovery.     

Rents, dissipation and lost treasures: Rethinking Tullock's paradox

In this paper we revisit Tullock's paradox (Tullock, 1980) and consider a rent-seeking game in which parties face increasing returns to effort. We allow parties to randomize their strategies and give them an exit option. Given the mixed participation strategies of the parties, valuable rents may occasionally remain unexploited. We consider such a lost-treasure effect as an additional cost of rent seeking and examine how the expected value of such a lost rent varies with changes in the parameters of the problem.     

An Experimental Analysis of Rent Seeking Under Varying Competitive Conditions

We test several predictions of Gradstein's(1995) rent seeking model using anexperimental design that includes avariable number of participants, costheterogeneity, and an entry fee. Consistentwith theoretical predictions, costheterogeneity and the entry fee decreasethe number of participants. Overall,participation is much lower than predicted. Also consistent with Gradstein's model, wefind that rent seeking expendituresincrease with the number of competitors anddecrease with the addition of an entry fee. Experimental results do not support theprediction that cost heterogeneitygenerally decreases expenditures in rentseeking contests.     

Lobbying and (de)centralization

This paper presents a positive theory of (de)centralization of policy decisions in an international union -defined as a supranational jurisdiction that may exercise a policy prerogative on behalf of member countries. I build a benchmark model where national lobbies can coordinate (i.e. form a trans-national lobby) at no cost and show that lobbying does not affect the fiscal regime. On the other hand, when interest groups cannot coordinate, decentralization emerges as a political equilibrium with lobbying. Policy centralization hurts national lobbies by increasing competition for influence. At a constitutional stage, interest groups induce politically motivated governments to reject centralization. Three extensions show that this result depends on the level of cross-border externalities; the voting rule at the constitutional stage; and the details of the institutional decision mechanism under centralization.     

Consumer resistance and monopoly behavior under franchise contestability

The probability of a deregulation under anti-monopoly consumer lobby is generated at the Cournot-Nash equilibrium of a lobbying game which depends on the monopoly rent and the deadweight loss. This probability is increasing and convex in monopoly price. When the deregulation probability constraint is binding, the monopolist's price rises with the number of consumers, the competitive price and the given ceiling probability. The social cost of a monopoly under franchise contestability differs from the Posner measure.     

The number of rent-seekers and aggregate rent-seeking expenditures: An unpleasant result

I examine a rent-seeking contest in which the winner gets a minimum rent but also gets an additional rent which is an increasing function of his lobbying expenditure. I give real-world examples of such rent-seeking competitions. Contrary to the standard result in the rent-seeking literature, I obtain the perverse result that aggregate rent-seeking expenditures may be inversely related to the number of rent-seekers. However, I note that even if this result holds, the cost of administering rent-seeking competitions may imply that society is better off with fewer contenders than with an infinitely large number of contenders, although the optimal number may not be the smallest number.     

The economic theory of rent seeking

Tullock’s concept of rent seeking was the first statement of a quantitative principle about the social costs of such activities as lobbying and favor seeking. As such, this part of Tullock’s legacy to modern economics is one of his most important contributions.     

Committees and Rent-Seeking Effort under Probabilistic Voting

Congleton (1984) shows that a rent awardedby a committee results in smaller aggregaterent-seeking expenditures than a similarrent awarded by a single administrator.This note modifies Congleton's model byconsidering a model in which voting isprobabilistic instead of deterministic. Ishow that the relative magnitudes ofrent-seeking expenditures could go eitherway depending on the relative weightedsensitivities (to rent-seeking efforts) ofthe committee and the single administrator.I show how the distribution of votingpowers of committee members affectsrent-seeking efforts. I also examine thecase where there is some probability thatthe rent may not be awarded, if thecommittee is unable to reach a majoritydecision. My results diverge from Congleton(1984) because of the absence ofmajoritarian cycles in my model.     

Varying the intensity of competition in a multiple prize rent seeking experiment

We experimentally test a rent seeking model under five levels of competition. At one extreme, a subject’s probability of winning a prize is equal to her share of the total expenditures. At lower levels of competition, a subject’s probability of winning is affected more by her own expenditures than by the expenditures of others. Predicted expenditure levels are positively associated with higher levels of competition. Consistent with previous rent seeking experiments, we find that subjects spend significantly more than the Nash equilibrium prediction at all levels of competition. However, expenditure patterns generally follow the Nash prediction; expenditures decrease as the level of competition decreases. Our experimental design also includes a lottery choice experiment to control for subjects’ risk preference. We find that subjects who are more risk averse spend significantly less in the contest and this effect is particularly strong for female subjects.     

The solution to the Tullock rent-seeking game when R>2: Mixed-strategy equilibria and mean dissipation rates

In Tullock's rent-seeking model, the probability a player wins the game depends on expenditures raised to the power R. We show that a symmetric mixed-strategy Nash equilibrium exists when R>2, and that overdissipation of rents does not arise in any Nash equilibrium. We derive a tight lower bound on the level of rent dissipation that arises in a symmetric equilibrium when the strategy space is discrete, and show that full rent dissipation occurs when the strategy space is continuous. Our results are shown to be consistent with recent experimental evidence on the dissipation of rents.     

Show Them Your Teeth First!

This paper investigates the choice of an interestgroup between lobbying (``words'') and pressure(``actions'') in order to influence a policymaker. Both lobbying and pressure are modeled asstrategic means of transmitting information that isrelevant to the policymaker. However, only pressure isdirectly costly to the policymaker. The interactionbetween the interest group and the policymaker isframed as a repeated signaling game. In equilibriumpressure – in contrast to lobbying – only occurswhen the interest group's reputation is sufficientlylow, and always improves its reputation. It is shownthat (repeated) lobbying cannot completely substitutefor pressure, and that the interest group may beforced to sustain its reputation through lobbying. Weconclude that pressure is typically used to build upa reputation, lobbying to maintain a reputation.     

Lobbying and asymmetric information

Informational lobbying — the use by interest groups of their (alleged) expertise or private information on matters of importance for policymakers in an attempt to persuade them to implement particular policies — is often regarded as an important means of influence. This paper analyzes this phenomenon in a game setting. On the one hand, the interest group is assumed to have private information which is relevant to the policymaker, whilst, on the other hand, the policymaker is assumed to be fully aware of the strategic incentives of the interest group to (mis)report or conceal its private information. It is shown that in a setting of partially conflicting interests a rationale for informational lobbying can only exist if messages bear a cost to the interest group and if the group's preferences carry information in the ‘right direction’. Furthermore, it is shown that it is not the content of the message as such, but rather the characteristics of the interest group that induces potential changes in the policymaker's behavior. In addition, the model reveals some interesting results on the relation between, on the one hand, the occurrence and impact of lobbying and, on the other hand, the cost of lobbying, the stake which an interest group has in persuading the policymaker, the similarity between the policymaker's and the group's preferences, and the initial beliefs of the policymaker. Moreover, we relate the results to some empirical findings on lobbying. qu]Much of the pressure placed upon government and its agencies takes the form of freely provided “objective” studies showing the important outcomes to be expected from the enactment of particular policies (Bartlett, 1973: 133, his quotation marks). qu]The analysis here is vague. What is needed is an equilibrium model in which lobbying activities have influence. Incomplete information ought to be the key to building such a model that would explain why lobbying occurs (information, collusion with decision makers, and so on) and whether lobbying expenses are socially wasteful. (Tirole, 1989: Ch. 1.3, p. 77, Rentseeking behavior).     

On the limits to rent-seeking waste

The general equilibrium framework developed in this paper for analyzing the limits to rent-seeking waste goes beyond the existing literature by incorporating tax-financed, public subsidies and rent-protecting activities into a rent-seeking environment. We show that the limits to rent-seeking waste depend on the extent to which government subsidizes rent seekers and rent defenders through tax-financed grants, contracts and favors. As observed by Tullock (1967), the diversion of resources toward efforts to acquire a monopoly rent causes a social waste in addition to the excess burden of monopoly pricing measured by the Harberger triangle. In the absence of government subsidies to rent-seeking and under competitive conditions, this additional waste cannot exceed the maximum monopoly rent attainable. However, if government subsidizes expenditures on rent-seeking, then the additional waste can exceed the Tullock rectangle of monopoly rent and, in the limit, equal the economy's maximum potential social surplus.Rent avoidance expenditures reduce the rent to be captured and thus discourage rent-seeking. If rent avoidance is a relatively efficient mechanism for transferring consumer surplus to rent granters, then rent-seeking expenditures are displaced by less wasteful expenditures on rent defending. As a result, under competitive conditions, unsubsidized demand for private rent protection may be socially efficient. Nonetheless, the upper limit to rent-seeking waste depends on constitutionally determined maximum rates of public subsidies to rent-seeking and rent-avoidance activities.     

Privately informed seekers of an uncertain rent

Two departures from antecedent rent-seeking models are invoked: a rent of unknown size is sought, and rent seekers obtain private imperfect estimates of this size. A symmetric equilibrium for a fixed number of rent seekers is characterized, and shown to underdissipate the rent. Then a model of the decision to obtain private information and participate in the rent-seeking contest is built. The symmetric equilibrium participation probability equates expected profit to participation costs. A simple formula for underdissipation results: dissipation is incomplete precisely by the expected aggregate participation costs. If an award mechanism can attain a lower level of dissipation for a fixed number of seekers, then it will raise the endogenous probability of participation, and as a result will dissipate less rent in the equilibrium with an endogenous number of seekers.     

Lottery Versus All-Pay Auction Models of Lobbying

I first provide a complete characterizationof the unique equilibrium of thelottery game by n lobbyists with asymmetricvaluations, and then compare the lotteryand the all-pay auction models of lobbying.I show that the exclusion principlediscovered by Baye, Kovenock and de Vries(1993) for all-pay auction does not applyto lottery. I also show that the perverse effectthat an exogenous cap may increase thetotal lobbying expenditure in a two-bidderall-pay auction discovered by Che and Gale(1998) does not apply to lottery.     

Diversifying British Political History

This article explores what the diversification of British political history might look like. Building on an expanded definition of citizenship and attention to ‘ordinary’ politics, it suggests several questions which might diversify political history's content and approach. Whom do we count as political actors? Who has access to democratic processes and where does politics happen beyond these processes? To what forms of political thought do we attend? Drawing on examples from my own research on refugees and asylum seekers in modern Britain, and on the wider field of modern British history, I demonstrate the possibilities of diversification as a way to enliven political history's future.