礼制与致仕制度

致仕制度是古代行政管理制度的重要组成部分。有关致仕的规定基本上是源于礼制,由于礼制不是法制,所规定的老、病、忠、孝等原因的自请致仕,仅是一种道德行为,不能规范社会政治制度,所以需要法律的强制力予以保障。在以礼入制、以礼入法、以礼入政的前提下,致仕制度逐渐向法制化转变。由于受到礼制的制约,致仕制度的法制化进程非常曲折,而在行政包揽一切和“人治”的情况下,致仕制度最终没有完成法制化。     

论高校学术不端行为的治理

学术水平的高低是衡量一所大学核心竞争力的重要因素,但是高校在推动学术研究发展的过程中,也同时面临着如何有效治理学术不端行为的困惑。目前,高校治理学术不端行为还存在概念模糊、标准不一、多头管理、监督不力等现实问题。营造诚信、公平、创新、求实的学术生态,高校要理顺治理学术不端机构的领导和工作机制,把反对学术不端行为融入学术评价体系,建立学术道德奖励制度和学术问责制度,积极构建学术道德教育长效机制,保障学术研究有序、健康、可持续发展。     

我国农民工问题探析

农民工是我国城市中的一个特殊群体，他们肩负着建设城市和繁荣农村的双重任务，对我国工业化发展和城市化进程作出了重大的贡献，但是却没有得到善待。随着我国社会经济的发展，现在我们到了为农民工“正名”。真正把他们纳入工人队伍，善待他们、给他们以相应的待遇的时候了。     

紧急救治权问题研究

《侵权责任法》56条的规定完善了患者的紧急救治权,但是患者知情不同意的情况下,紧急救治行为是否应该进行,还是需要解决的问题。从我国相关法律对紧急救治权的规定及理论研究,国外对紧急救治权的规定及实务处理方面进行研究,继而提出对紧急救治权的完善。     

复杂性科学视域下利益冲突的防范与治理

复杂性科学实现了对传统科学思维范式的超越和革命,运用复杂性思维方法审视利益冲突诱发原因、主要表征和治理机制具有重要启示意义。利益冲突的复杂性特征表现在四个方面:一是利益冲突主体的不确定性,二是利益冲突形式的多样性,三是利益冲突发生领域的多层次性,四是利益冲突发生环境的生成性。有效化解利益冲突,建立行之有效的利益冲突干预机制单用线性方法、略去非线性因素、用模型去描述、做局部先行处理是不可行的,需要用无序思维、分形思维和生成思维重新构设利益冲突防范与治理机制。     

腐败成因诸视角述评及综合治理原则

十八大以来,随着反腐败斗争和廉政建设的不断深化,对腐败现象的治理已经成为推动国家治理体系和治理能力现代化,实现"法治中国"的重要途径。国内学者对腐败成因的观察视角各有不同,大体归纳为经济学、政治学与公共管理学、法学三大方面。然而,任何单一视角对腐败成因的分析都存在其有效性,同时也存在诸多不足。基于腐败问题的复杂性及政治危害性,任何单一视角下的解决策略都难以实现对腐败的有效治理。因此,必须多视角分析腐败产生的原因,坚持综合治理腐败的原则,才能有效地惩治腐败,并对未来的腐败治理实践提供参考借鉴。     

重大自然灾害应急处置与权利保护

在重大自然灾害面前各种社会主体的应急行为及其与权利保护之间的协调很重要,主张保护权利和维护公共利益同样重要。应急处置中的各种措施和各种社会主体在实施处置行为时都应充分考虑对权利的保护,也应关注职责在身时保护自身权利的限度。     

“四风”隐形变异的特征、根源与治理对策

随着党风廉政建设的深入推进,“四风”问题隐形变异、反弹回潮的现象不容忽视,不仅影响了党群干群关系,而且关乎党心民心,是全党和人民群众的公敌。当前“隐蔽”送礼、“转战”吃喝、“套牌”公车、“拆分”婚丧嫁娶、“变相”占用办公用房、“调研”旅游、“痕迹”督查、“庸懒散慢”等“四风”表现,体现了其具有长期性、反复性、顽固性、隐蔽性等特征。新时代深化作风建设,务必要以习近平总书记关于纠正“四风”的重要论述为指导,持之以恒地进行治理:加强政治建设,提高政治站位,夯实主体责任;加强学习教育,规范党内生活,弘扬廉政文化;加强制度建设,完善考核机制,抓住“关键少数”;加强监督执纪,强化联防联查,发挥长效合力,全面营造风清气正的政治生态。     

“河长制”：一个中国政府流域治理跨部门协同的样本研究

流域治理的跨域特征所带来的问题超过了涉水部门单个主体的能力,从而带来了流域治理的协同失灵和碎片化问题。对“河长制”的观察表明,“河长制”跨部门协同可以较好地解决协同机制中责任机制的“权威缺漏”问题,短期内成效明显。通过横向层面和纵向层面的协调机制,大大提高了协同效率。这是一种新型的混合型权威依托的等级制协同模式。但是,以权威为依托的等级制纵向协同的基本特征没有改变,将会面临着“能力困境”、“组织逻辑困境”和“责任困境”的挑战。最后采用菲利普斯分析框架分析了影响“河长制”跨部门协同效率的因素。     

艾滋病患者保外就医问题探讨——对"重庆艾滋女保外就医卖淫事件"的反思

当前,伴随着艾滋病病毒感染者和病人数量的上升,艾滋病患者违法犯罪逐渐成为社会广泛关注的问题。实践中对艾滋病罪犯和艾滋病吸毒人员进行保外就医的做法影响社会公众的安全感,严重威胁社会秩序稳定。艾滋病患者原则上不应适用保外就医;对于违法犯罪的艾滋病患者,应建立专门监管场所进行集中关押和治疗。在现有条件下,对保外就医的艾滋病患者,应形成监所监狱、检察机关、公安机关、基层组织各负其责、齐抓共管的监管体系。     

Life-cycle effects on social pressure to vote

Recent scholarship reveals social pressure can compel citizens to conform to social norms like voting in elections. In this study, we investigate heterogeneity in the impact of social pressure to vote. We find that age, a key demographic characteristic, moderates the impact of social pressure. Using evidence from a large-scale randomized field experiment conducted in August 2006, we show that older voters are significantly more responsive to social pressure compared to younger voters. Given the emerging consensus that social pressure can be marshaled effectively to stimulate voting in elections, such investigations yield critical insights of both practical and theoretical significance.     

论政府机关人力资源管理的优化

政府机关人力资源管理在我国推行“人才强国”的战略中处于枢纽地位,它可以被看作一个主要由选人、育人、用人和留人四个环节进行循环运动以期达到整个人力资源管理动态平衡的生态环流系统。目前,由于四个环节在衔接上存在问题,导致政府机关人力资源管理系统的局部失衡,影响到整个系统的正常运行和政府效能的发挥。而要优化政府机关人力资源管理,最大限度地提高政府效能,就必须实现各环节的动态平衡和人力资源管理的优化。     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

The persecution of German Romanies: the case of Osnabrück, 1933–46

Studies of racial persecution in Germany, particularly during the Nazi period, now appear on almost a daily basis, so that every victimized minority has received attention. Antisemitism remains the main focus of research but the Romanies have now begun to attract scholars. While historians have studied Jews in virtually every location and over short time periods, they have tended to examine the situation of the Romanies at the national level using a longer time frame, recognizing the continuities of racial persecution that link the Nazi years with the rest of the twentieth century. Panayi brings out these longer-term patterns by focusing on the case of Osnabrück. He begins with an account of the historiography of Romanies at both the local and national level, and contrasts this with the general attention that German history of the first half of the twentieth century, especially the Third Reich, has received. The narrative then moves on to use the limited information available on the Osnabrück Romanies to carry out a detailed examination of the realities of their everyday life and the attitudes of the authorities towards them in the town between 1933 and 1946. Panayi’s study falls into the German social history approach of Alltagsgeschichte, which uses the specific to draw out the realities of the general national picture.     

How the Bush and Gore Campaigns Conceptualized and Used the Internet in 2000

Abstract

Political scientists and campaign professionals have been intrigued by the potential of the Internet as a tool for accessing and conveying political information since the mass marketing of the first Web browser in 1993. Optimists have pointed to the possibility for more expansive participation and more substantive, in-depth issue discussions. Pessimists have countered that universal access to the Internet is still years down the road, pointing out there is little reason to believe campaigns will use the Internet either to spice up or to elevate the national political conversation. Such long-term assessments are premature, but we can offer preliminary assessments of how candidates conceptualize and use the Internet. Relying on surveys of online registered voters and interviews with campaign operatives and Webmasters, I examine how the online electorate was perceived and approached by the Bush and Gore campaigns in 2000.1 find that (1) voters were unlikely to seek political information from candidate or party Web sites, (2) voters were skeptical of information presented on these sites, and (3) the campaigns understood this and therefore saw the Internet primarily as a vehicle for internal communication and grassroots activation.